Does Hitler's Ghost Live In Israel?
By Sam Hamod
07/26/03: Yesterday, a 4 year old Palestinian boy was killed at an Israeli checkpoint, simply because he was riding in a truck when an Israeli soldier opened fire with a machine gun. The soldier also wounded two little girls. An Israeli government spokesperson said it has no apology and “after an investigation” that nothing was done wrong!
It is apparently legal and acceptable for an Israel soldier to shoot and kill an innocent 4 year old boy!
Lately, it seems this is standard operating procedure for Israeli soldiers in Palestinian areas and checkpoints; one has but to look at the newspapers over the past two weeks to see the proof for this astounding fact.
This is an outrage. How can the Zionist Jews who run Israel not remember how Hitler brutalized them in the 1930s and 1940s? Why should they take Hitler’s methods and now use them against the Palestinians? Why is the world standing by and allowing this holocaust to take place, calling the Palestinians who have no tanks, planes, helicopters or heavy weapons, “terrorists”, while the Israeli military destroys children, women, homes, hospitals, schools, mosques with planes, rockets, missiles, helicopters, bulldozers and bloodthirsty soldiers at checkpoints where the Palestinians are unarmed, helpless and obviously wanting only to get through their day safely?
Has the world gone mad? Does GW Bush and the rest of the US government, our congress, our senate and most of our mass media not see the truth of what is going on? How can they deny it? Are they not moral enough to be outraged? Are they blind and dumb?
Is this what happened when Hitler was killing the Jews, Poles, Russians, Czechs, Slavs and Bosnians during the 30s and 40s and in WWII? Did we turn a blind eye then?
Were the German politicians as demented and ill-informed as Tom Lantos and others who call Palestinian children, “terrorists,” while Israeli soldiers slaughter them with heavy weapons? Has America totally lost any moral sense? Any moral outrage? Is Helen Thomas right when she says, “America has lost its moral sense.” We may have more people going to church, but is it being lived out in our lives?
I fear we have lost our moral compass, because this has been going on for over 30 years, with American aid and complicity. We have sided with the devil in this one, from the time of Menachem Begin to Ariel Sharon, we have sided with the killers, and condemned the victims.
Surely, if there is a God, and I believe there is, his wrath will come down on us, as it should. We know of the Holocaust, but are not stopping this new one—WHY?
But let not this wrath come down on those who stand against this terrorism from Israel’s Sharon, for there are Jews in Israel and Americans who stand against this wholesale barbarism—let the punishment come down on those guilty of standing by, those abetting this slaughter, those keeping women and children, from water, from hospitals, keeping them locked up in house arrest and martial law so that they cannot even get food, or earn money to buy food. Let those who stand by and allow this to go on, those who abet it, like Tom DeLay who calls the victims, “terrorists” and is going to Israel this week to collect more money and to receive awards for blessing these killings of innocents.
How men like him can say they are Christians, can say they are moral men—is beyond me. They lie to us and they lie to themselves; there is no reason, no matter what titles these liars sport that we should believe them. We should not be like them and lie to ourselves, nor should we be afraid to say these truths aloud. If we fear speaking the truth, then we too are lost.
It is time we all stood up to the liars in our media and in our congress, senate and in the White House and say, “No more, no more—Israel must stop this barbarism, this Hitlerian behavior or must be condemned and cut off from any aid from the United States and its allies in the world.” If we do any less, then we are complicituous in this new holocaust, and no parades, no visits to the Jewish Holocaust Museum or saying, “It’s God’s will”, will justify our shirking our moral duty to stand up and demand this stop.
If not, then America will be as vulnerable as Israel to attack all over the world, from not only Palestinians, but from Muslims who have had enough of brutalization of the Palestinian people. It is judgment day; let us hope the American government makes the right decision and soon, if not, then all hell will rain down upon us.
Sam Hamod is a former advisor to the U.S. State Department, an expert on the Middle East, editor of Third World News and a retired professor from Princeton and Michigan.
Sunday, December 28, 2008
Sunday, December 14, 2008
History - WW II - The Free Polish Forces - 48:05 MIN long video must watch
History - WW II - The Free Polish Forces - 48:05 MIN long video must watch
Sunday, December 7, 2008
To co Moskwa nie zdążyła, Rzad Tuska, Platforma i Bruksela dokończy.
To co Moskwa nie zdążyła, Rzad Tuska, Platforma i Bruksela dokończy.
Wodowanie w szczecińskiej stoczni
Stocznia spojrzenie... The Shipyard - a look from inside.
Co dalej ze stoczniami?
Andrzej Jaworski (2008-11-07)
Aktualności dnia
słuchajzapisz
Zobacz również inne publikacje związane z tym tematem:
AUDYCJE:
Co dalej ze stoczniami? - [2008-11-07]Andrzej Jaworski
Rząd Tuska zniszczył stocznie - [2008-11-04]inż. Zbigniew Wysocki - Prezes Towarzystwa Morskiego - Gospodarczego im. Eugeniusza Kwiatkowskiego
Symboliczna debata na temat polskich stoczni - [2008-10-22]pos. dr Urszula Krupa
Co dalej z polskimi stoczniami? - [2008-10-03]Andrzej Jaworski
Co dalej z polskim przemysłem stoczniowym? - [2008-10-02]Karol Guzikiewicz
Jaka decyzja w sprawie stoczni? - [2008-10-01]Andrzej Jaworski
Walka o przetrwanie polskiego przemysłu stoczniowego - [2008-09-19]Andrzej Jaworski - prezes fundacji Stocznia Gdańska, Roman Gałęzewski - przewodniczący Solidarności Stoczni Gdańskiej
Wiec pod bramą Stoczni Gdańskiej - [2008-09-10]Andrzej Jaworski - b. prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej
Ważą się losy polskich stoczni - [2008-09-09]pos. Jacek Kurski
Sytuacja w Stoczni Gdańskiej - [2008-09-08]Karol Guzikiewicz - wiceprzewodniczący NSZZ "Solidarność" w Stoczni Gdańskiej
Aktualna sytuacja przemysłu stoczniowego - [2008-09-06]pos. Anna Sobecka, Andrzej Jaworski - były prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej, Roman Gałęzewski - przewodniczący KZ NSZZ,,Solidarność" w Stoczni Gdańskiej
Sejmowa debata nad sytuacją przemysłu stoczniowego - [2008-09-06]kpt. Zbigniew Sulatycki
Sytuacja przemysłu stoczniowego - [2008-09-04]Andrzej Jaworski - b. prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej
Jaka przyszłość przemysłu stoczniowego w Polsce? - [2008-08-22]Ryszard Kwidzyński oraz Grzegorz Huszcz - b. wiceprezesi Stoczni Szczecińskiej, Lech Wydrzyński i Jerzy Corda - akcjonariusze Stoczni Szczecińskiej, Andrzej Jaworski - b. prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej, Prezes Fundacji Stocznia Gdańska, Brunon Baranowski - czło
Polski przemysł stoczniowy - [2008-07-11]Rozmowy niedokończone po 24
Stocznie skazane na upadłość - [2008-07-11]Karol Guzikiewicz - v-ce przew. "Sol." Stoczni Gdańskiej
Jaka przyszłość dla polskich stoczni - [2008-07-10]Karol Guzikiewicz - wiceprezes "S" Stoczni Gdańskiej
Sytuacja w stoczniach - [2008-07-09]prez. Andrzej Jaworski
Czy uda się uratować Stocznię Gdańską? - [2008-07-02]Andrzej Jaworski - b. Prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej
Enigmatyczny program zatopienia Stoczni Gdańskiej i sprzedaży Polskiej Żeglugi Morskiej cz.II - [2008-06-26]Andrzej Jaworski - b.prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej, prezes Fundacji Stocznia Gdańska; Brunon Baranowski - przew. Komisji Międzyzakładowej NSZZ Solidarność; Mieczysław Folta - kpt. Żeglugi Wielkiej, przew. Rady Pracowniczej PŻM; Paweł Kowalski - przew. Komisji
Enigmatyczny program zatopienia Stoczni Gdańskiej i sprzedaży Polskiej Żeglugi Morskiej - [2008-06-26]Andrzej Jaworski - b.prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej, prezes Fundacji Stocznia Gdańska; Brunon Baranowski - przew. Komisji Międzyzakładowej NSZZ Solidarność; Mieczysław Folta - kpt. Żeglugi Wielkiej, przew. Rady Pracowniczej PŻM; Paweł Kowalski - przew. Komisji
Protesty stoczniowców - [2008-06-20]
KE kwestionuje ratunek Stoczni Gdańskiej - [2008-06-14]Roman Gałęzowski sekret. rady nadzorczej. Stoczni Gd,
Gdzie się podziały ... pieniądze stoczni? - [2008-06-10]Roman Gałęzowski Przew. Solidarności Stoczni Gdańsk
Pomoc dla stoczni nielegalna? - [2008-06-07]Andrzej Jaworski - Były prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej
ARTYKUŁY:
Czy ktoś kupi stocznie w całości - [2008-11-07]
Koniec stoczni? - [2008-11-05]
Stoczniowcy czekają na programy bez zwolnień - [2008-10-09]
Chodzi o stocznie czy notowania rządu? - [2008-10-08]
Oczekujemy zaangażowania premiera i prezydenta - [2008-10-04]
Dajmy czas stoczniom - [2008-10-03]
Jeszcze można powalczyć o stocznie - [2008-10-02]
Trudne rozmowy - [2008-09-23]
Wiec w obronie stoczni - [2008-09-10]
Plan był prosty: rozdzielić się i próbować gospodarzyć - [2008-09-06]
Topienie stoczni - [2008-09-06]
Platforma wywiesza białą flagę nad stoczniami - [2008-09-05]
Rząd wygenerował zagrożenie dla stoczni - [2008-08-29]
Stoczniowcy zdeterminowani - [2008-08-28]
Jedna albo wcale? - [2008-08-22]
Donbas negocjuje na wyłączność - [2008-08-14]
Prywatyzacja z prokuraturą w tle - [2008-08-05]
Gospodarka morska marnuje szansę na rozwój - [2008-07-30]
Żeby tylko nie rozgniewać Brukseli - [2008-07-24]
To nie jest sprawa Brukseli - [2008-07-23]
Więcej odroczeń nie będzie - [2008-07-17]
Kurs na PŻM - [2008-07-17]
Czas dla stoczni - [2008-07-16]
Tajny plan prezydentów - [2008-07-15]
Poniesiemy karę za pieniądze, których nigdy nie widzieliśmy - [2008-07-12]
Cała wstecz w stoczniach - [2008-07-12]
Stocznie z góry skazane na upadłość - [2008-07-11]
Dwie stocznie... trzy plany? - [2008-06-28]
Stocznie razem czy osobno? - [2008-06-27]
Tragedia przemysłu okrętowego - [2008-06-24]
Grad, oddaj nasze 700 milionów - [2008-06-21]
Ktoś chce zrobić ze stoczni kozła ofiarnego - [2008-06-10]
Stocznie zagrożone - [2008-05-30]
Naomi Klein en Argentina 25/04/08- Cap 1
Naomi Klein en Argentina 25/04/08- Cap 2
Wodowanie w szczecińskiej stoczni
Stocznia spojrzenie... The Shipyard - a look from inside.
Co dalej ze stoczniami?
Andrzej Jaworski (2008-11-07)
Aktualności dnia
słuchajzapisz
Zobacz również inne publikacje związane z tym tematem:
AUDYCJE:
Co dalej ze stoczniami? - [2008-11-07]Andrzej Jaworski
Rząd Tuska zniszczył stocznie - [2008-11-04]inż. Zbigniew Wysocki - Prezes Towarzystwa Morskiego - Gospodarczego im. Eugeniusza Kwiatkowskiego
Symboliczna debata na temat polskich stoczni - [2008-10-22]pos. dr Urszula Krupa
Co dalej z polskimi stoczniami? - [2008-10-03]Andrzej Jaworski
Co dalej z polskim przemysłem stoczniowym? - [2008-10-02]Karol Guzikiewicz
Jaka decyzja w sprawie stoczni? - [2008-10-01]Andrzej Jaworski
Walka o przetrwanie polskiego przemysłu stoczniowego - [2008-09-19]Andrzej Jaworski - prezes fundacji Stocznia Gdańska, Roman Gałęzewski - przewodniczący Solidarności Stoczni Gdańskiej
Wiec pod bramą Stoczni Gdańskiej - [2008-09-10]Andrzej Jaworski - b. prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej
Ważą się losy polskich stoczni - [2008-09-09]pos. Jacek Kurski
Sytuacja w Stoczni Gdańskiej - [2008-09-08]Karol Guzikiewicz - wiceprzewodniczący NSZZ "Solidarność" w Stoczni Gdańskiej
Aktualna sytuacja przemysłu stoczniowego - [2008-09-06]pos. Anna Sobecka, Andrzej Jaworski - były prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej, Roman Gałęzewski - przewodniczący KZ NSZZ,,Solidarność" w Stoczni Gdańskiej
Sejmowa debata nad sytuacją przemysłu stoczniowego - [2008-09-06]kpt. Zbigniew Sulatycki
Sytuacja przemysłu stoczniowego - [2008-09-04]Andrzej Jaworski - b. prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej
Jaka przyszłość przemysłu stoczniowego w Polsce? - [2008-08-22]Ryszard Kwidzyński oraz Grzegorz Huszcz - b. wiceprezesi Stoczni Szczecińskiej, Lech Wydrzyński i Jerzy Corda - akcjonariusze Stoczni Szczecińskiej, Andrzej Jaworski - b. prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej, Prezes Fundacji Stocznia Gdańska, Brunon Baranowski - czło
Polski przemysł stoczniowy - [2008-07-11]Rozmowy niedokończone po 24
Stocznie skazane na upadłość - [2008-07-11]Karol Guzikiewicz - v-ce przew. "Sol." Stoczni Gdańskiej
Jaka przyszłość dla polskich stoczni - [2008-07-10]Karol Guzikiewicz - wiceprezes "S" Stoczni Gdańskiej
Sytuacja w stoczniach - [2008-07-09]prez. Andrzej Jaworski
Czy uda się uratować Stocznię Gdańską? - [2008-07-02]Andrzej Jaworski - b. Prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej
Enigmatyczny program zatopienia Stoczni Gdańskiej i sprzedaży Polskiej Żeglugi Morskiej cz.II - [2008-06-26]Andrzej Jaworski - b.prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej, prezes Fundacji Stocznia Gdańska; Brunon Baranowski - przew. Komisji Międzyzakładowej NSZZ Solidarność; Mieczysław Folta - kpt. Żeglugi Wielkiej, przew. Rady Pracowniczej PŻM; Paweł Kowalski - przew. Komisji
Enigmatyczny program zatopienia Stoczni Gdańskiej i sprzedaży Polskiej Żeglugi Morskiej - [2008-06-26]Andrzej Jaworski - b.prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej, prezes Fundacji Stocznia Gdańska; Brunon Baranowski - przew. Komisji Międzyzakładowej NSZZ Solidarność; Mieczysław Folta - kpt. Żeglugi Wielkiej, przew. Rady Pracowniczej PŻM; Paweł Kowalski - przew. Komisji
Protesty stoczniowców - [2008-06-20]
KE kwestionuje ratunek Stoczni Gdańskiej - [2008-06-14]Roman Gałęzowski sekret. rady nadzorczej. Stoczni Gd,
Gdzie się podziały ... pieniądze stoczni? - [2008-06-10]Roman Gałęzowski Przew. Solidarności Stoczni Gdańsk
Pomoc dla stoczni nielegalna? - [2008-06-07]Andrzej Jaworski - Były prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej
ARTYKUŁY:
Czy ktoś kupi stocznie w całości - [2008-11-07]
Koniec stoczni? - [2008-11-05]
Stoczniowcy czekają na programy bez zwolnień - [2008-10-09]
Chodzi o stocznie czy notowania rządu? - [2008-10-08]
Oczekujemy zaangażowania premiera i prezydenta - [2008-10-04]
Dajmy czas stoczniom - [2008-10-03]
Jeszcze można powalczyć o stocznie - [2008-10-02]
Trudne rozmowy - [2008-09-23]
Wiec w obronie stoczni - [2008-09-10]
Plan był prosty: rozdzielić się i próbować gospodarzyć - [2008-09-06]
Topienie stoczni - [2008-09-06]
Platforma wywiesza białą flagę nad stoczniami - [2008-09-05]
Rząd wygenerował zagrożenie dla stoczni - [2008-08-29]
Stoczniowcy zdeterminowani - [2008-08-28]
Jedna albo wcale? - [2008-08-22]
Donbas negocjuje na wyłączność - [2008-08-14]
Prywatyzacja z prokuraturą w tle - [2008-08-05]
Gospodarka morska marnuje szansę na rozwój - [2008-07-30]
Żeby tylko nie rozgniewać Brukseli - [2008-07-24]
To nie jest sprawa Brukseli - [2008-07-23]
Więcej odroczeń nie będzie - [2008-07-17]
Kurs na PŻM - [2008-07-17]
Czas dla stoczni - [2008-07-16]
Tajny plan prezydentów - [2008-07-15]
Poniesiemy karę za pieniądze, których nigdy nie widzieliśmy - [2008-07-12]
Cała wstecz w stoczniach - [2008-07-12]
Stocznie z góry skazane na upadłość - [2008-07-11]
Dwie stocznie... trzy plany? - [2008-06-28]
Stocznie razem czy osobno? - [2008-06-27]
Tragedia przemysłu okrętowego - [2008-06-24]
Grad, oddaj nasze 700 milionów - [2008-06-21]
Ktoś chce zrobić ze stoczni kozła ofiarnego - [2008-06-10]
Stocznie zagrożone - [2008-05-30]
Naomi Klein en Argentina 25/04/08- Cap 1
Naomi Klein en Argentina 25/04/08- Cap 2
Free Gaza activist Killed and injured by Israeli army navy
Free Gaza activist Killed and injured by Israeli army navy
An Italian solidarity activist has been injured today by the Israeli Navy while he was accompanying fishermen in Gaza.
Vittorio Arrigoni was hit by flying glass as the Israeli navy used a high power water canon against the unarmed boats. The water canon smashed the glass surrounding the steering section of the boat, with shards lacerating Vittorios back. He was been taken to hospital immediately upon reaching shore, requiring ten stitches.
International activists were accompanying Gazan fishermen 8 miles out from shore, as they have been doing regularly since they arrived in Gaza with the Free Gaza Movement boats.
The Israeli navy have imposed severe restrictions on fishing Gazan waters, regularly attacking any boats attempting to fish over 3 nautical miles. With international accompaniment, fishermen have been regularly attempting to fish outside the Israeli imposed limits where they can . Following Israels disengagement from Gaza, Israeli restrictions on fishing were escalated so that Gazan fishermen could only fish safely within 3 nautical miles from the coast.
On the 1st of September, international activists managed to film the Israeli navy opening fire on fishing boats 8 miles from the Gaza coast.
40,000 people in Gaza make a living from the fishing industry, yet this community has been decimated by Israeli restrictions on fishing rights and the prevention of fuel from reaching the Gaza Strip.
According to the Fishing Syndicate in Gaza, fishermen need 40,000 litres of fuel and 40,000 litres of natural gas each day to operate throughout the high fishing season.
Starting in April each year, there is a migration of fish from the Nile Delta to Turkish waters which Palestinian fishermen have traditionally relied upon. Yet Israel limits fishing 6 miles from the Gaza shore and regularly attacks those who venture further than 3 miles - over 70 fishermen were arrested last year by the Israeli forces. The large schools that form the migration are usually found 10 miles from shore. The average catch of fish was over 3000 tons a year in the 1990s, now it is around 500 tons directly due to the Israeli siege of Gaza.
Not only this, but the brutal effects of the siege, the water in which the fishermen of Gaza sail in is now receiving 50 million litres of sewage per day because the people of Gaza have no alternative.
Gaza Boats to Bust Blockade 1a
Gaza Boats to Bust Blockade 1b
Galloway - Libya Ship Tries To Aid Gaza
Berlin Blockade and Airlift
Palestinians break out of Gaza - 23 Jan 08
Pro-Palestinian Activists Sail Into Gaza
Gaza: The Killing Zone - Israel/Palestine
ZEGOTA saved 50000 Jews from Holocaust 2/3
Encouraged by Rabbi Israel Singer's, the General Secretary of the World Jewish Congress, statements in 1996 such as " If Poland does not satisfy Jewish claims, it will be publicly attacked and humiliated in the international forum." So it is a plan to deliberately slander Poland's name and manipulate the American public's opinion against Poles. It was permitted to slander Poles now.
Very beautiful. A GREAT HERO overlooked in the post War history.
An Italian solidarity activist has been injured today by the Israeli Navy while he was accompanying fishermen in Gaza.
Vittorio Arrigoni was hit by flying glass as the Israeli navy used a high power water canon against the unarmed boats. The water canon smashed the glass surrounding the steering section of the boat, with shards lacerating Vittorios back. He was been taken to hospital immediately upon reaching shore, requiring ten stitches.
International activists were accompanying Gazan fishermen 8 miles out from shore, as they have been doing regularly since they arrived in Gaza with the Free Gaza Movement boats.
The Israeli navy have imposed severe restrictions on fishing Gazan waters, regularly attacking any boats attempting to fish over 3 nautical miles. With international accompaniment, fishermen have been regularly attempting to fish outside the Israeli imposed limits where they can . Following Israels disengagement from Gaza, Israeli restrictions on fishing were escalated so that Gazan fishermen could only fish safely within 3 nautical miles from the coast.
On the 1st of September, international activists managed to film the Israeli navy opening fire on fishing boats 8 miles from the Gaza coast.
40,000 people in Gaza make a living from the fishing industry, yet this community has been decimated by Israeli restrictions on fishing rights and the prevention of fuel from reaching the Gaza Strip.
According to the Fishing Syndicate in Gaza, fishermen need 40,000 litres of fuel and 40,000 litres of natural gas each day to operate throughout the high fishing season.
Starting in April each year, there is a migration of fish from the Nile Delta to Turkish waters which Palestinian fishermen have traditionally relied upon. Yet Israel limits fishing 6 miles from the Gaza shore and regularly attacks those who venture further than 3 miles - over 70 fishermen were arrested last year by the Israeli forces. The large schools that form the migration are usually found 10 miles from shore. The average catch of fish was over 3000 tons a year in the 1990s, now it is around 500 tons directly due to the Israeli siege of Gaza.
Not only this, but the brutal effects of the siege, the water in which the fishermen of Gaza sail in is now receiving 50 million litres of sewage per day because the people of Gaza have no alternative.
Gaza Boats to Bust Blockade 1a
Gaza Boats to Bust Blockade 1b
Galloway - Libya Ship Tries To Aid Gaza
Berlin Blockade and Airlift
Palestinians break out of Gaza - 23 Jan 08
Pro-Palestinian Activists Sail Into Gaza
Gaza: The Killing Zone - Israel/Palestine
ZEGOTA saved 50000 Jews from Holocaust 2/3
Encouraged by Rabbi Israel Singer's, the General Secretary of the World Jewish Congress, statements in 1996 such as " If Poland does not satisfy Jewish claims, it will be publicly attacked and humiliated in the international forum." So it is a plan to deliberately slander Poland's name and manipulate the American public's opinion against Poles. It was permitted to slander Poles now.
Very beautiful. A GREAT HERO overlooked in the post War history.
Sunday, November 2, 2008
Ex- CIA Polish Spy for USA ( not for money just to help US ) Boris Korczak on World Events Must see Video
Ex- CIA Polish Spy for USA ( not for money just to help US ) Boris Korczak on World Events Must see Video
Poland help so much to US and why we are exluded from the Visa vaiver program.
US aid to Poland is about 39 millions US Dollars per year and we give billions to Israel, Pakistan, Egypt. Turkey, Georgia, Iraq
Must see the vodeo below
Ex- CIA Polish Spy for USA ( not for money just to help US ) Boris Korczak on World Events Must see Video P 1
Ex- CIA Polish Spy for USA ( not for money just to help US ) Boris Korczak on World Events Must see Video P 2
Poland help so much to US and why we are exluded from the Visa vaiver program.
US aid to Poland is about 39 millions US Dollars per year and we give billions to Israel, Pakistan, Egypt. Turkey, Georgia, Iraq
Must see the vodeo below
Ex- CIA Polish Spy for USA ( not for money just to help US ) Boris Korczak on World Events Must see Video P 1
Ex- CIA Polish Spy for USA ( not for money just to help US ) Boris Korczak on World Events Must see Video P 2
Sunday, October 26, 2008
Polish Taxi driver beaten by 3 Americans Navy Servicemen from USS "Hewes" in Gdynia-Gdansk Poland last Night.
Polish Taxi driver beaten by 3 Americans Navy Servicemen from USS "Hewes" in Gdynia-Gdansk Poland last Night.
We have to ask US Department od State, Department of Navy for a deep apology and compensation to the hard working and polite Polish Taxi Driver beaten by American Navy Servicemens-hooligans and of the official military duty.
This will put the bad light on the law that govern American Navy and Army stations in Poland and Europe as a whole.
Poland is not another third world country when US and Blackwater can do what ever they want! We are country of law and order.
US Navy Serviceman for act of hooliganism shall be prosecuted and arested the same night. The same way as any polish citizens.
Amerykańscy żołnierze pobili w Sopocie taksówkarza. Mężczyzna trafił do szpitala, żołnierze wrócili na okręt. To, czy uda się ich przesłuchać, praktycznie zależy od dobrej woli ich i ich przełożonych.
Żołnierze z USA pobili polskiego taksówkarza
Żołnierze z USA zbili polskiego taksówkarza fot. AP / Wilfredo Lee
10 amerykańskich żołnierzy zaatakowało taksówkarza w Sopocie. Mężczyzna jest w szpitalu. Napastników zatrzymała policja, ale już ich zwolniono, bo są wojskowymi z USA.
10 amerykańskich żołnierzy wyszło z jednej z sopockich dyskotek. Zachowywali się głośno i agresywnie. W okolicach Grand Hotelu chcieli zamówić taksówkę. Żaden z kierowców nie kwapił się jednak, żeby ich zabrać. Taksówkarze już nie raz mieli problemy z amerykańskimi marynarzami - piją, krzyczą, trzeba się z nimi kłócić o zapłatę za kurs.
"Amerykanie podeszli do jednego z kierowców. Na początku doszło do słownych utarczek. Potem jeden z nich miał uderzyć Polaka" - mówi dziennikowi.pl Barbara Kuczyńska z zespołu prasowego policji w Sopocie.
Taksówkarz upadł na ziemię i uderzy głową o chodnik. Nie podniósł się już. Żołnierze odeszli. Koledzy taksówkarza wezwali pogotowie i policję.
"Zaraz po zatrzymaniu musieliśmy przekazać żołnierzy żandarmerii wojskowej" - dodaje Barbara Kuczyńska. "Kierowca złożył właśnie zawiadomienie o popełnieniu przestępstwa, ale żołnierze są już na swoim statku. Nie możemy ich tak po prostu przesłuchać. Musimy wystąpić o zgodę na ich przesłuchanie w charakterze świadków. To oczywiście utrudnia nam postępowanie, ale takie są procedury."
Taksówkarz trafił do szpitala. Według informacji podanych przez TVN24, ma wstrząśnienie mózgu. Przeciwnicy budowy amerykańskiej tarczy antyrakietowej w Polsce wiele razy powtarzali, że obecność amerykańskich żołnierzy w Polsce będzie wiązała się z podobnymi incydentami. Teraz , od tego jak zostanie rozwiązana sprawa pobicia w Sopocie, zależeć może stosunek Polaków do amerykańskich baz.
Do incydentu doszło w pobliżu Grand Hotelu w Sopocie w piątek około 23.30. Do jednej z taksówek stojącej na postoju podeszło dwóch mężczyzn. Policja twierdzi, że byli ubrani po cywilnemu. Wsiedli do jednej z taksówek, potem do następnej, w końcu do trzeciej. Próbowali ustalić cenę za przejazd do Gdyni.
Mówili po angielsku, a kierowca znał tylko włoski. Nie zgodził się na kurs za kwotę zaproponowaną przez mężczyzn. Doszło do kłótni i przepychanek. Po chwili do pierwszej dwójki podeszła kolejna grupka mężczyzn. Jeden z nich uderzył taksówkarza w twarz.
- Piotr przewrócił i stracił na chwilę przytomność - opowiada "Gazecie" Paweł, kolega taksówkarza. - Podbiegli koledzy i powstrzymali dalszą agresję.
Koledzy taksówkarza wezwali policję. Policjanci wylegitymowali napastników. Okazało się, że to marynarze z USS "Hewes", amerykańskiej fregaty stojącej w gdyńskim porcie.
Tu jasność, co do tego, co było dalej się kończy.
- Policjanci wezwali żandarmerie wojskową, która przejęła marynarzy i przewiozła na okręt do Gdyni - informuje Kościuk z Komendy Wojewódzkiej Policji w Gdańsku.
Następnego dnia okazało się, że obecność Żandarmerii Wojskowej była zbędna.
- W sobotę około godziny 14. sprawę przekazano policji z Sopotu - mówi Kościuk.
Żandarmeria Wojskowa: To sprawa dla policji
Rzecznik Żandarmerii Wojskowej, mjr Marcin Wiącek, przedstawia odmienną wersję wydarzeń.
- My nie prowadziliśmy żadnych czynności w tej sprawie. Nie rozumiem, dlaczego policja chciała to zrzucić na nas. Prawo mówi jasno, że żołnierzy zagranicznych, którzy nie popełnili przestępstwa związanego z ich działalnością wojskową muszą ścigać służby cywilne. Po żołnierzy przyjechali ich przełożeni i zabrali na okręt - mówi rzecznik ŻW.
Z naszych informacji wynika, że amerykańskich marynarzy odwiozła na okręt polska żandarmeria.
Taksówkarz jeszcze w nocy z piątku na sobotę trafił do szpitala: - Ma wstrząśnienie mózgu, dostał kroplówkę.
Czy marynarze zgłoszą się na przesłuchanie?
Tomas Williamson, attache morski przy ambasadzie amerykańskiej w Polsce, zapewniał rano, że strona amerykańska zamierza współpracować w tej sprawie z polskimi władzami.
- Z tego, co wiem dwaj marynarze mieli się zgłosić do sopockiej policji na przesłuchanie jeszcze w niedzielę po południu - mówił Williamson.
- Tak, te czynności zostaną wykonane - mówił nam po południu podinsp. Mariusz Putno, szef sekcji dochodzeniowo śledczej w KMP Sopot.
Policjanci z Komendy Miejskiej Policji (KMP) w Sopocie wyjaśniają okoliczności pobicia taksówkarza przez grupę amerykańskich żołnierzy. Taksówkarz przebywa w szpitalu miejskim w Gdyni.
Jak powiedziała Barbara Kuczyńska z KMP, zawiadomienie o zdarzeniu sopocka policja otrzymała w nocy z piątku na sobotę.
"Powiadomiono nas, że w okolicy Grand Hotelu grupa mężczyzn zachowuje się agresywnie wobec taksówkarza jednej z trójmiejskich korporacji. Na miejscu po wylegitymowaniu okazało się, że agresywnie zachowującymi się są amerykańscy żołnierze". "Powiadomiliśmy Żandarmerię Wojskową, która wraz z opiekunem Amerykanów zabrała ich na okręt" - wyjaśniła Kuczyńska.
Świadkiem zdarzenia był Paweł Wilkicki, mieszkaniec Sopotu i jednocześnie znajomy poszkodowanego. Powiedział, że taksówkarz leży w szpitalu, ma go opuścić w poniedziałek.
Relacjonując zdarzenie Walkicki podkreślił, że "to nie było brutalne pobicie, ale przepychanka między grupą mężczyzn a taksówkarzem; w pewnym momencie jeden z agresorów przewrócił taksówkarza, który upadł na beton i na chwilę stracił przytomność".
Zastępca Komendanta Miejskiego Policji w Sopocie, mł. insp. Krystyna Stępniewska potwierdziła, że w sobotę zostali przesłuchani świadkowie zdarzenia i poszkodowany taksówkarz.
Prowadzący sprawę, Naczelnik Wydziału Dochodzeniowego sopockiej KMP, podinspektor Mariusz Putno powiedział, że policja zwróciła się do dowódcy amerykańskiego okrętu o wyrażenie zgody na przesłuchanie sprawców zdarzenia. "Teraz czekamy na odpowiedź" - dodał.
Putno poinformował, że u poszkodowanego taksówkarza "obrażenia spowodowały naruszenie czynności narządów ciała na czas nie przekraczający 7 dni". Oznacza to, że czyn ten jest zagrożony karą pozbawienia wolności do lat dwóch.
Alex Lech Bajan
Polish American
RAQport Inc.
2004 North Monroe Street
Arlington Virginia 22207
Washington DC Area
USA
TEL: 703-528-0114
TEL2: 703-652-0993
FAX: 703-940-8300
sms: 703-485-6619
EMAIL: Polonia@raqport.com
WEB SITE: http://raqport.com
We have to ask US Department od State, Department of Navy for a deep apology and compensation to the hard working and polite Polish Taxi Driver beaten by American Navy Servicemens-hooligans and of the official military duty.
This will put the bad light on the law that govern American Navy and Army stations in Poland and Europe as a whole.
Poland is not another third world country when US and Blackwater can do what ever they want! We are country of law and order.
US Navy Serviceman for act of hooliganism shall be prosecuted and arested the same night. The same way as any polish citizens.
Amerykańscy żołnierze pobili w Sopocie taksówkarza. Mężczyzna trafił do szpitala, żołnierze wrócili na okręt. To, czy uda się ich przesłuchać, praktycznie zależy od dobrej woli ich i ich przełożonych.
Żołnierze z USA pobili polskiego taksówkarza
Żołnierze z USA zbili polskiego taksówkarza fot. AP / Wilfredo Lee
10 amerykańskich żołnierzy zaatakowało taksówkarza w Sopocie. Mężczyzna jest w szpitalu. Napastników zatrzymała policja, ale już ich zwolniono, bo są wojskowymi z USA.
10 amerykańskich żołnierzy wyszło z jednej z sopockich dyskotek. Zachowywali się głośno i agresywnie. W okolicach Grand Hotelu chcieli zamówić taksówkę. Żaden z kierowców nie kwapił się jednak, żeby ich zabrać. Taksówkarze już nie raz mieli problemy z amerykańskimi marynarzami - piją, krzyczą, trzeba się z nimi kłócić o zapłatę za kurs.
"Amerykanie podeszli do jednego z kierowców. Na początku doszło do słownych utarczek. Potem jeden z nich miał uderzyć Polaka" - mówi dziennikowi.pl Barbara Kuczyńska z zespołu prasowego policji w Sopocie.
Taksówkarz upadł na ziemię i uderzy głową o chodnik. Nie podniósł się już. Żołnierze odeszli. Koledzy taksówkarza wezwali pogotowie i policję.
"Zaraz po zatrzymaniu musieliśmy przekazać żołnierzy żandarmerii wojskowej" - dodaje Barbara Kuczyńska. "Kierowca złożył właśnie zawiadomienie o popełnieniu przestępstwa, ale żołnierze są już na swoim statku. Nie możemy ich tak po prostu przesłuchać. Musimy wystąpić o zgodę na ich przesłuchanie w charakterze świadków. To oczywiście utrudnia nam postępowanie, ale takie są procedury."
Taksówkarz trafił do szpitala. Według informacji podanych przez TVN24, ma wstrząśnienie mózgu. Przeciwnicy budowy amerykańskiej tarczy antyrakietowej w Polsce wiele razy powtarzali, że obecność amerykańskich żołnierzy w Polsce będzie wiązała się z podobnymi incydentami. Teraz , od tego jak zostanie rozwiązana sprawa pobicia w Sopocie, zależeć może stosunek Polaków do amerykańskich baz.
Do incydentu doszło w pobliżu Grand Hotelu w Sopocie w piątek około 23.30. Do jednej z taksówek stojącej na postoju podeszło dwóch mężczyzn. Policja twierdzi, że byli ubrani po cywilnemu. Wsiedli do jednej z taksówek, potem do następnej, w końcu do trzeciej. Próbowali ustalić cenę za przejazd do Gdyni.
Mówili po angielsku, a kierowca znał tylko włoski. Nie zgodził się na kurs za kwotę zaproponowaną przez mężczyzn. Doszło do kłótni i przepychanek. Po chwili do pierwszej dwójki podeszła kolejna grupka mężczyzn. Jeden z nich uderzył taksówkarza w twarz.
- Piotr przewrócił i stracił na chwilę przytomność - opowiada "Gazecie" Paweł, kolega taksówkarza. - Podbiegli koledzy i powstrzymali dalszą agresję.
Koledzy taksówkarza wezwali policję. Policjanci wylegitymowali napastników. Okazało się, że to marynarze z USS "Hewes", amerykańskiej fregaty stojącej w gdyńskim porcie.
Tu jasność, co do tego, co było dalej się kończy.
- Policjanci wezwali żandarmerie wojskową, która przejęła marynarzy i przewiozła na okręt do Gdyni - informuje Kościuk z Komendy Wojewódzkiej Policji w Gdańsku.
Następnego dnia okazało się, że obecność Żandarmerii Wojskowej była zbędna.
- W sobotę około godziny 14. sprawę przekazano policji z Sopotu - mówi Kościuk.
Żandarmeria Wojskowa: To sprawa dla policji
Rzecznik Żandarmerii Wojskowej, mjr Marcin Wiącek, przedstawia odmienną wersję wydarzeń.
- My nie prowadziliśmy żadnych czynności w tej sprawie. Nie rozumiem, dlaczego policja chciała to zrzucić na nas. Prawo mówi jasno, że żołnierzy zagranicznych, którzy nie popełnili przestępstwa związanego z ich działalnością wojskową muszą ścigać służby cywilne. Po żołnierzy przyjechali ich przełożeni i zabrali na okręt - mówi rzecznik ŻW.
Z naszych informacji wynika, że amerykańskich marynarzy odwiozła na okręt polska żandarmeria.
Taksówkarz jeszcze w nocy z piątku na sobotę trafił do szpitala: - Ma wstrząśnienie mózgu, dostał kroplówkę.
Czy marynarze zgłoszą się na przesłuchanie?
Tomas Williamson, attache morski przy ambasadzie amerykańskiej w Polsce, zapewniał rano, że strona amerykańska zamierza współpracować w tej sprawie z polskimi władzami.
- Z tego, co wiem dwaj marynarze mieli się zgłosić do sopockiej policji na przesłuchanie jeszcze w niedzielę po południu - mówił Williamson.
- Tak, te czynności zostaną wykonane - mówił nam po południu podinsp. Mariusz Putno, szef sekcji dochodzeniowo śledczej w KMP Sopot.
Policjanci z Komendy Miejskiej Policji (KMP) w Sopocie wyjaśniają okoliczności pobicia taksówkarza przez grupę amerykańskich żołnierzy. Taksówkarz przebywa w szpitalu miejskim w Gdyni.
Jak powiedziała Barbara Kuczyńska z KMP, zawiadomienie o zdarzeniu sopocka policja otrzymała w nocy z piątku na sobotę.
"Powiadomiono nas, że w okolicy Grand Hotelu grupa mężczyzn zachowuje się agresywnie wobec taksówkarza jednej z trójmiejskich korporacji. Na miejscu po wylegitymowaniu okazało się, że agresywnie zachowującymi się są amerykańscy żołnierze". "Powiadomiliśmy Żandarmerię Wojskową, która wraz z opiekunem Amerykanów zabrała ich na okręt" - wyjaśniła Kuczyńska.
Świadkiem zdarzenia był Paweł Wilkicki, mieszkaniec Sopotu i jednocześnie znajomy poszkodowanego. Powiedział, że taksówkarz leży w szpitalu, ma go opuścić w poniedziałek.
Relacjonując zdarzenie Walkicki podkreślił, że "to nie było brutalne pobicie, ale przepychanka między grupą mężczyzn a taksówkarzem; w pewnym momencie jeden z agresorów przewrócił taksówkarza, który upadł na beton i na chwilę stracił przytomność".
Zastępca Komendanta Miejskiego Policji w Sopocie, mł. insp. Krystyna Stępniewska potwierdziła, że w sobotę zostali przesłuchani świadkowie zdarzenia i poszkodowany taksówkarz.
Prowadzący sprawę, Naczelnik Wydziału Dochodzeniowego sopockiej KMP, podinspektor Mariusz Putno powiedział, że policja zwróciła się do dowódcy amerykańskiego okrętu o wyrażenie zgody na przesłuchanie sprawców zdarzenia. "Teraz czekamy na odpowiedź" - dodał.
Putno poinformował, że u poszkodowanego taksówkarza "obrażenia spowodowały naruszenie czynności narządów ciała na czas nie przekraczający 7 dni". Oznacza to, że czyn ten jest zagrożony karą pozbawienia wolności do lat dwóch.
Alex Lech Bajan
Polish American
RAQport Inc.
2004 North Monroe Street
Arlington Virginia 22207
Washington DC Area
USA
TEL: 703-528-0114
TEL2: 703-652-0993
FAX: 703-940-8300
sms: 703-485-6619
EMAIL: Polonia@raqport.com
WEB SITE: http://raqport.com
Donald Trump: Bush Admini"Everything is A Lie" why we are in this mess and the financial mess
Donald Trump: Bush Admini"Everything is A Lie" why we are in this mess and the financial mess
I have to say as a Polish American in March 19, 2007 Donald Trump was 100% correct.
People in America and the key election states Pennsylvania, Ohio, Florida, Colorado, Virginia
Please wake up. Please see the world situation and why we are in this mess and the financial mess.
Lech Alex Bajan Polish American from Arlington Virginia
Trump: Bush impeachment would be 'wonderful thing'
I have to say as a Polish American in March 19, 2007 Donald Trump was 100% correct.
People in America and the key election states Pennsylvania, Ohio, Florida, Colorado, Virginia
Please wake up. Please see the world situation and why we are in this mess and the financial mess.
Lech Alex Bajan Polish American from Arlington Virginia
Trump: Bush impeachment would be 'wonderful thing'
Monday, July 28, 2008
ZYDOWSKA WDZIECZNOSC CZYLI "CZARNA NIEWDZIĘCZNOŚĆ"
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Sendler Irena Mother of the Holocaust Children
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Napisał St. Trzeciak
Friday, 25 July 2008
XXXI STR 223 Mesjanizm a Kwestia żydowska. ks. dr St. Trzeciak 1933r. Wydawnictwo Molauñ- Niemirowska 1/43 00-921 Wa-wa, Tel.22-659-0435
„Niech ludzkość cała wie i pamięta , żę żydostwo niemieckie, to typ ludzki najwyższej jakości” ....” Temu najwyższej klasy typowi odpłaca się teraz naród niemiecki czarną niewdzięcznością:W ten sposób „ Koło żydowskie „ w sejmie polskim w dniu 15 marca 1933 r. na swoim posiedzeniu występuje w obronie Żydów nimeickich uchwalając protest przeciwko okrucieństwom i męczęniom, na jakie wystawione jest żydostwo w Niemczech.
» Czytaj całość
Protest przeciwko prowadzonym negocjacjom w kwestii restytucji majątków żydowskich
Napisał Administrator
Thursday, 24 July 2008
Warszawa,30.06..2008
Pan Lech Kaczyński Prezydent Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej Pan Donlad Tusk Prezes Rady Ministrów Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej
Szanowny Panie Prezydencie! Szanowny Panie Premierze !
W nawiązaniu do Panów wizyty w Waszyngtonie i w Izraelu oraz ostatnich spotkań na polskiej ziemi z Ronaldem Lauderem pragniemy przekazać Protest przeciwko Waszym obietnicom rozwiązania problemu restytucji mienia pożydowskiego.
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Komisja Kongresu USA: niech Polska zwróci mienie
Napisał (bart)
Thursday, 24 July 2008
Komisja Spraw Zagranicznych Izby Reprezentantów Kongresu USA przegłosowała projekt rezolucji Izby, wzywającej Polskę do uchwalenia ustawy zapewniającej zwrot lub rekompensatę właścicielom mienia prywatnego zagrabionego przez Trzecią Rzeszę i rządy komunistyczne.
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ODSZKODOWANIA SPROWADZIC NA WLASCIWE TORY
Napisał Jerzy Skoryna
Friday, 25 July 2008
Nasz “Sprzymierzeniec,” z czasów II Wojny Swiatowej USA, wspólnie z Anglja i Rosja sowiecka w Jalcie i Poczdamie podpisalI, „stan prawny”, jaki mial rzadzic w Europie po wojnie. W tych traktatach BEZPRAWNIE Polsce skradziono wschodnie teryrorjum Pañstwa. Wepchnieto sila bagnetów sowieckich, w „zone wplywów sowieckich”, uznajac NIE POLSKA, lecz SOWIECKÁ administracje jako „Rzad Polski” - PRL.
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Granie Polską
Napisał Marek Lubinski
Thursday, 24 July 2008
Polska nie posiada rządu, który reprezentowałby i bronił interesów Narodu Polskiego i polskiej racji stanu. Polityka zagraniczna państwa polskiego, (gdyż o polskiej polityce zagranicznej mówić nie można wcale w sytuacji, kiedy kolejne rządy RP podejmują decyzje wbrew polskim interesom), prowadzona jest dla Polski tragicznie. Tak było w przypadku wciagania na siłę i za wszelką cenę naszego Kraju w struktury unijnego kołchozu i tak jest we wszystkich innych kwestiach istotnych dla przyszłości Polski.
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Order dla Kiszczaka
Napisał Piotr Jakucki
Monday, 21 July 2008
Skrót do: http://www.medianet.pl/~naszapol/MAIN/biezi.php Po skończonej rozprawie o spowodowania śmierci górników z kopalni "Wujek", zabitych przez ZOMO w grudniu 1981 r. po wprowadzeniu stanu wojennego, gen. Czesław Kiszczak zaproponował dziennikarzom zaproszenie ich na wódkę i zakąskę. Miał prawo być usatysfakcjonowany. Po raz kolejny ten jeden z największych dyktatorów PRL wygrał z kulawym prawem tzw. III RP.
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Witold Pilecki escaped from Auschwitz on the Easter Monday 1943, he also survived the Warsaw Uprising an the German POW camp in Germany.
He returned to Poland after the war and started organizing resistance
against the communists.
When he learnt that the Allies would not help to liberate Poland from the Soviets he started demobilizing the military underground organization.
It was then, that the communists arrested him.
Witold Pilecki was born May 13, 1901, in Olonets on the shores of Lake Ladoga in Karelia, Russia, where his family had been forcibly resettled by Tsarist Russian authorities after the suppression of Poland's January Uprising of 1863–1864. His grandfather, Józef Pilecki, had spent seven years in exile in Siberia for his part in the uprising. In 1910, Pilecki moved with his family to Wilno (now Vilnius, Lithuania), where he completed Commercial School and joined the secret ZHP Scouts organization. In 1916, he moved to Orel, Russia, where he founded a local ZHP group.[1]
During World War I, in 1918, Pilecki joined Polish self-defense units in the Wilno area, and, under General Władysław Wejtka, helped collect weapons and disarm retreating, demoralized German troops in what became the prelude to the Vilna offensive. He subsequently took part in the Polish-Soviet War of 1919–1920. Serving under Major Jerzy Dąbrowski, he commanded a ZHP Scout section. When his sector of the front was overrun by the Bolsheviks, his unit for a time conducted partisan warfare behind enemy lines. Pilecki later joined the regular Polish Army and fought in the Polish retreat from Kiev as part of a cavalry unit defending Grodno (in present-day Belarus). On August 5, 1920, he joined the 211th Uhlan Regiment and fought in the crucial Battle of Warsaw and at Rudniki Forest (Puszcza Rudnicka) and took part in the liberation of Wilno. He was twice awarded the Krzyż Walecznych (Cross of Valor) for gallantry.[1]
After the Polish-Soviet War ended in 1921 with the Peace of Riga, Pilecki passed his high-school graduation exams (matura) in Wilno and in 1926, was demobilized with the rank of cavalry ensign. In the interbellum, he worked on his family's farm in the village of Sukurcze.[1] On April 7, 1931, he married Maria Pilecka (1906 – February 6, 2002), née Ostrowska. They had two children, born in Wilno: Andrzej (January 16, 1932) and Zofia (March 14, 1933).
[edit] World War II breaks out
Shortly before the outbreak of World War II, on August 26, 1939, Pilecki was mobilized and joined the 19th Polish Infantry Division of Army Prusy as a cavalry-platoon commander. His unit took part in heavy fighting in the Invasion of Poland against the advancing Germans and was partially destroyed. Pilecki's platoon withdrew southeast toward Lwów (now L'viv, in Ukraine) and the Romanian bridgehead and was incorporated into the recently formed 41st Infantry Division. During the September Campaign, Pilecki and his men destroyed seven German tanks and shot down two aircraft. On September 17, after the Soviet Union invaded eastern Poland pursuant to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, Pilecki's division was disbanded and he returned to Warsaw with his commander, Major Jan Włodarkiewicz.[1]
On November 9, 1939, the two men founded the Secret Polish Army (Tajna Armia Polska, TAP), one of the first underground organizations in Poland. Pilecki became its organizational commander and expanded TAP to cover not only Warsaw but Siedlce, Radom, Lublin and other major cities of central Poland. By 1940, TAP had approximately 8,000 men (more than half of them armed), some 20 machine guns and several anti-tank rifles. Later, the organization was incorporated into the Home Army (Armia Krajowa) and became the core of the Wachlarz unit.[1]
[edit] The Auschwitz campaign: 945 days
Street roundup in northern Warsaw's Żoliborz district, 1941In 1940, Pilecki presented to his superiors a plan to enter Germany's Auschwitz concentration camp at Oświęcim (the Polish name of the locality), gather intelligence on the camp from the inside, and organize inmate resistance. Until then, little had been known about the Germans' running of the camp, and it was thought to be an internment camp or large prison rather than a death camp. His superiors approved the plan and provided him a false identity card in the name of "Tomasz Serafiński." On September 19, 1940, he deliberately went out during a Warsaw street roundup (łapanka), and was caught by the Germans along with some 2,000 innocent civilians (among them, Władysław Bartoszewski). After two days of torture in Wehrmacht barracks, the survivors were sent to Auschwitz. Pilecki was tattooed on his forearm with the number 4859.[1]
Auschwitz concentration camp photos of Pilecki.At Auschwitz, while working in various kommandos and surviving pneumonia, Pilecki organized an underground Union of Military Organizations (Związek Organizacji Wojskowych, ZOW). ZOW's tasks were to improve inmate morale, provide news from outside, distribute extra food and clothing to members, set up intelligence networks, and train detachments to take over the camp in the event of a relief attack by the Home Army, arms airdrops, or an airborne landing by the Polish 1st Independent Parachute Brigade, based in Britain.[1]
By 1941, ZOW had grown substantially. Members included the famous Polish sculptor Xawery Dunikowski and ski champion Bronisław Czech, and worked in the camp's SS administration office (Mrs. Rachwalowa, Capt. Rodziewicz, Mr. Olszowka, Mr. Jakubski, Mr. Miciukiewicz), the storage magazines (Mr. Czardybun) and the Sonderkommando, which burned human corpses (Mr. Szloma Dragon and Mr. Henryk Mendelbaum). The organization had its own underground court and supply lines to the outside. Thanks to civilians living nearby, the organization regularly received medical supplies.[1]
ZOW provided the Polish underground with priceless information on the camp. Many smaller underground organizations at Auschwitz eventually merged with ZOW. In the autumn of 1941, Colonel Jan Karcz was transferred to the newly-created Birkenau death camp, where he proceeded to organize ZOW structures. By spring of 1942, the organization had over 1,000 members, including women and people of other nationalities, at most of the sub-camps. The inmates constructed a radio receiver and hid it in the camp hospital.[1]
From October 1940, ZOW sent reports to Warsaw, and beginning March 1941, Pilecki's reports were being forwarded via the Polish resistance to the British government in London. These reports were a principal source of intelligence on Auschwitz for the Western Allies. Pilecki hoped that either the Allies would drop arms or troops into the camp, or the Home Army would organize an assault on it from outside. By 1943, however, he realized that no such plans existed. Meanwhile the Gestapo redoubled its efforts to ferret out ZOW members, succeeding in killing many of them. Pilecki decided to break out of the camp, with the hope of personally convincing Home Army leaders that a rescue attempt was a valid option. When he was assigned to a night shift at a camp bakery outside the fence, he and two comrades overpowered a guard, cut the phone line and escaped on the night of April 26–April 27, 1943, taking along documents stolen from the Germans. In the event of capture, they were prepared to swallow cyanide. After several days, with the help of local civilians, they contacted Home Army units. Pilecki submitted another detailed report on conditions at Auschwitz.[1]
[edit] Back outside Auschwitz: the Warsaw Uprising.
On August 25, 1943, Pilecki reached Warsaw and joined the Home Army's intelligence department. The Home Army, after losing several operatives in reconnoitering the vicinity of the camp, including the Cichociemny commando Stefan Jasieński, decided that it lacked sufficient strength to capture the camp without Allied help. Pilecki's detailed report (Raport Witolda—"Witold's Report") was sent to London. The British authorities refused the Home Army air support for an operation to help the inmates escape. An air raid was considered too risky, and Home Army reports on Nazi atrocities at Auschwitz were deemed to be gross exaggerations (Pilecki wrote: "During the first 3 years, at Auschwitz there perished 2 million people; in the next 2 years—3 million"). The Home Army in turn decided that it didn't have enough force to storm the camp by itself.[1]
Pilecki was soon promoted to cavalry captain (rotmistrz) and joined a secret anti-communist organization, NIE ("NO or NIEpodleglosc - independence"), formed as a secret organization within the Home Army with the goal of preparing resistance against a possible Soviet occupation.[1]
When the Warsaw Uprising broke out on August 1, 1944, Pilecki volunteered for the Kedyw's Chrobry II group. At first, he fought in the northern city center without revealing his actual rank, as a simple private. Later, he disclosed his true identity and accepted command of the 2nd Company, fighting in the Towarowa and Pańska Streets area. His forces held a fortified area called the "Great Bastion of Warsaw". It was one of the most outlying partisan redoubts and caused considerable difficulties for German supply lines. The bastion held for two weeks in the face of constant attacks by German infantry and armor. On the capitulation of the uprising, Pilecki hid some weapons in a private apartment and went into captivity. He spent the rest of the war in German prisoner-of-war camps at Łambinowice and Murnau.[1]
[edit] Soviet take over of Poland
After July 11, 1945, Pilecki joined the 2nd Polish Corps. He received orders to clandestinely transport a large sum of money to Soviet-occupied Poland, but the operation was called off. In September 1945, he was ordered by General Władysław Anders to return to Poland and gather intelligence to be sent to the Polish Government in Exile.[1]
He went back and proceeded to organize his intelligence network, while also writing a monograph on Auschwitz. In the spring of 1946, however, the Polish Government in Exile decided that the postwar political situation afforded no hope of Poland's liberation and ordered all partisans still in the forests either to return to their normal civilian lives or to escape to the West. Pilecki declined to leave, but proceeded to dismantle the partisan forces in eastern Poland. In April 1947, he began collecting evidence on Soviet atrocities and on the prosecution of Poles (mostly members of the Home Army and the 2nd Polish Corps) and their executions or imprisonment in Soviet gulags.[1]
Photos of Pilecki from Warsaw's Mokotow prison (1947).On May 8, 1947, he was arrested by the Polish security service (Urząd Bezpieczeństwa). Prior to trial, he was repeatedly tortured but revealed no sensitive information and sought to protect other prisoners. On March 3, 1948, a staged trial took place. Testimony against him was presented by a future Polish prime minister, Józef Cyrankiewicz, himself an Auschwitz survivor. Pilecki was accused of illegal crossing of the borders, use of forged documents, not enlisting with the military, carrying illegal arms, espionage for general Władysław Anders (head of the military of the Polish Government in Exile) and preparing an assassination on several officials from the Ministry of Public Security of Poland. Pilecki denied the assassination charges, as well as espionage (although he admitted to passing information to the II Polish Corps of whom he considered himself an officer and thus claimed that he was not breaking any laws); he pleaded guilty to the other charges. On May 15, with three of his comrades, he was sentenced to death. Ten days later, on May 25, 1948, he was executed at Warsaw's Mokotow Prison on ulica Rakowiecka (Rakowiecka Street)
Pilecki's conviction was part of a prosecution of Home Army members and others connected with the Polish Government in Exile in London. In 2003, the prosecutor and several others involved in the trial were charged with complicity in Pilecki's murder. Cyrankiewicz escaped similar proceedings, having died.[1]
After Poland regained its independence, Witold Pilecki and all others sentenced in the staged trial were rehabilitated on October 1, 1990. In 1995, he received posthumously the Order of Polonia Restituta.
His place of burial has never been found. He is thought to have been buried in a rubbish dump near Warsaw's Powązki Cemetery.
Until 1989, information on his exploits and fate was suppressed by the Polish communist regime.[1]
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The Other Side of the Coin: Large-Scale Jewish Crimes against Poles, February 27, 2007
The Other Side of the Coin: Large-Scale Jewish Crimes against Poles, February 27, 2007
By Jan Peczkis (Chicago IL, USA) - See all my reviews
This Polish-language book has the title: HUSHED-UP CRIMES: JEWS AND POLES IN THE EASTERN BORDERLANDS IN THE YEARS 1939-1941. Much press attention has been devoted to Polish crimes against Jews, such as the massacre at Jedwabne and the so-called Kielce Pogrom. Why no mention of the other side of the coin? Jerzy Robert Nowak believes that it owes to political correctness, in which the sensibilities of Jews are respected owing to their losses in the Holocaust (pp. 65-66). But Nowak points out that there is no such respect for Polish sensibilities despite Poles having experienced their own Holocaust (3 million Poles murdered by the Germans alone), least of all (in Nowak's opinion) from Jews.
Anyone who follows Jan Tomasz Gross (Jan T. Gross) in believing in the insignificance of Jewish-Communist collaboration is in for a rude awakening upon reading this book. According to cited Jewish scholars, Jews frequently constituted 75%-90% of the Soviet-serving administration in Soviet-conquered eastern Poland (p. 246, 223). In fact, no sooner had the Red Army invaded eastern Poland than her Jews began to engage in large-scale, aggressive anti-Polish actions. Jews helped disarm Polish soldiers, and humiliated them by tearing off their insignia (p. 239). Ironic to the scene in Steven Spielberg's SCHINDLER'S LIST, a mob of Jews threw mud and stones at defenseless Polish prisoners (p. 89). Jews helped the Russians round up Poles on many occasions (p. 9, 61) and played an instrumental role in identifying Poles for imprisonment or deportation to horrible deaths in Siberia (p. 112). Jews helped destroy monuments of Polish heroes (p. 148), frequently desecrated Christian churches (p. 161-on), and even produced a mock atheistic parade in which a horse was dressed up in the vestments of a Catholic priest.
Nowak elaborates on the known murders of Poles by Jews in 17 named cities and towns in Soviet-occupied eastern Poland in 1939 alone (pp. 47-on). Jews were also involved in the murder of Poles (and Ukrainians) imprisoned by the Soviets while the latter were beating a hasty retreat ahead of the unexpected German invasion of June 1941 (p. 62-on).
The fact of extensive Jewish-Communist collaboration is attested to by not only anti-Semitic Poles, but also philo-Semitic ones such as Jan Karski (p. 237) and Stanislaw Kot (p. 240). And to show that this is no Polish imagination, Jerzy Robert Nowak discusses (p. 33-on, pp. 82-83, 105, 115, 142, 220, 225) numerous Jewish authors who don't mince words about the large scale of Jewish-Soviet collaboration, including Harvey Sarner, Ben-Cion Pinchuk, Alexander Smolar, Hugon Steinhaus, Dov Levin, Abraham Sterzer, Arnold Zable, Charles Gelman, Alexander Wat, Henryk Reiss, Mark Verstandig, Yitzhak Arad, Pawel Szapiro, and Henryk Erlich. Smolar was especially candid about the murders of Poles by Jews (p. 48).
Recently (2006), Jan Thomas Gross (J. T. Gross) has written FEAR, in which he obsesses about Polish acquisitions of post-Jewish properties. But long before Poles did this, Jews were already expropriating Polish properties under Soviet rule (pp. 132-135). In fact, Jews sometimes knew which Poles were about to be deported to Siberia, and cajoled these Poles into selling them their properties for almost nothing.
Many rationalizations have been offered for the widespread Jewish-Communist collaboration (the Zydokomuna). Nowak examines these and finds them all wanting. (In a sense, it doesn't matter. Regardless of exact motives, whenever Jews choose to become Poland's enemies, they also make a deliberate choice to receive Polish enmity in return, and thereby forfeit the right to complain about such things as Polish anti-Semitism).
The most common rationalization is the one about Jews clinging to Soviets out of fear of extermination by the Nazis. In actuality, Hitler's diatribes were not taken seriously by most Polish Jews in 1939 (p. 210), who saw the Germans as a cultured people (p. 212), and for whom Nazi anti-Semitism was either unimportant (p. 211) or transient. It is a little-known fact that Polish Jews sometimes welcomed the invading Nazis (p. 213-on), and even attempted to cross from the Soviet-occupied zone of Poland to the German-occupied one (p. 210, 212). Finally, the mass shootings and mass gassings of Jews by Germans were not to begin for nearly two more years!
The Jewish collaborators were not, as sometimes claimed, just radicalized youth and the very poor (p. 223). Furthermore, they also included many big-name Jews (p. 166-on).
Nowak also rebuts Krystyna Kersten (pp. 206-208), who would have us believe that Jews showed proportionate anti-Soviet as well as pro-Soviet behavior. In fact, records show that few Jews were arrested for anti-Soviet actions (pp. 224-225) and relatively few Jews were deported to Siberia (and then primarily for trying to cross into the German-occupied zone)(p. 225-226). (In any case, it makes no difference. Jews had turned against other Jews in various other contexts).
Against the view that Jews were merely retaliating against Poles for past anti-Semitism, Nowak points out that Jewish-Soviet collaboration against Poles also took place in several towns where, according to local Jewish opinion, prewar Jewish-Polish relations had been good (pp. 218-219). (One may also ask when the Jews ever retaliated against Russian anti-Semitism, which historically had been much more severe than its Polish counterpart. And, of course, the victims of Jewish-Communist collaboration included Polish children and other Poles who could not possibly have ever wronged any Jews. Those who complain about the collective scope of the Polish reprisal against the Jews of Jedwabne must remember the earlier collective anti-Polish scope of the Jewish-Soviet collaboration).
Nowak believes that Jewish-Soviet collaboration against Poles had been driven by the fact that many eastern Polish Jews were recent descendants of Russian Jews (the Litvaks) who felt no loyalty to Poland (pp. 230-231). Against the view that the Litvaks were never made to feel welcome, Nowak provides contrary examples, including Pilsudski's favorable treatment of them. (In any case, in a non-pluralistic society such as Poland, one expects the minority to conform to the majority, not the other way around. When in Rome, do as the Romans do).
Sendler Irena Mother of the Holocaust Children
ZYDOWSKA WDZIECZNOSC CZYLI "CZARNA NIEWDZIĘCZNOŚĆ"
Napisał St. Trzeciak
Friday, 25 July 2008
XXXI STR 223 Mesjanizm a Kwestia żydowska. ks. dr St. Trzeciak 1933r. Wydawnictwo Molauñ- Niemirowska 1/43 00-921 Wa-wa, Tel.22-659-0435
„Niech ludzkość cała wie i pamięta , żę żydostwo niemieckie, to typ ludzki najwyższej jakości” ....” Temu najwyższej klasy typowi odpłaca się teraz naród niemiecki czarną niewdzięcznością:W ten sposób „ Koło żydowskie „ w sejmie polskim w dniu 15 marca 1933 r. na swoim posiedzeniu występuje w obronie Żydów nimeickich uchwalając protest przeciwko okrucieństwom i męczęniom, na jakie wystawione jest żydostwo w Niemczech.
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Protest przeciwko prowadzonym negocjacjom w kwestii restytucji majątków żydowskich
Napisał Administrator
Thursday, 24 July 2008
Warszawa,30.06..2008
Pan Lech Kaczyński Prezydent Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej Pan Donlad Tusk Prezes Rady Ministrów Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej
Szanowny Panie Prezydencie! Szanowny Panie Premierze !
W nawiązaniu do Panów wizyty w Waszyngtonie i w Izraelu oraz ostatnich spotkań na polskiej ziemi z Ronaldem Lauderem pragniemy przekazać Protest przeciwko Waszym obietnicom rozwiązania problemu restytucji mienia pożydowskiego.
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Komisja Kongresu USA: niech Polska zwróci mienie
Napisał (bart)
Thursday, 24 July 2008
Komisja Spraw Zagranicznych Izby Reprezentantów Kongresu USA przegłosowała projekt rezolucji Izby, wzywającej Polskę do uchwalenia ustawy zapewniającej zwrot lub rekompensatę właścicielom mienia prywatnego zagrabionego przez Trzecią Rzeszę i rządy komunistyczne.
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ODSZKODOWANIA SPROWADZIC NA WLASCIWE TORY
Napisał Jerzy Skoryna
Friday, 25 July 2008
Nasz “Sprzymierzeniec,” z czasów II Wojny Swiatowej USA, wspólnie z Anglja i Rosja sowiecka w Jalcie i Poczdamie podpisalI, „stan prawny”, jaki mial rzadzic w Europie po wojnie. W tych traktatach BEZPRAWNIE Polsce skradziono wschodnie teryrorjum Pañstwa. Wepchnieto sila bagnetów sowieckich, w „zone wplywów sowieckich”, uznajac NIE POLSKA, lecz SOWIECKÁ administracje jako „Rzad Polski” - PRL.
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Granie Polską
Napisał Marek Lubinski
Thursday, 24 July 2008
Polska nie posiada rządu, który reprezentowałby i bronił interesów Narodu Polskiego i polskiej racji stanu. Polityka zagraniczna państwa polskiego, (gdyż o polskiej polityce zagranicznej mówić nie można wcale w sytuacji, kiedy kolejne rządy RP podejmują decyzje wbrew polskim interesom), prowadzona jest dla Polski tragicznie. Tak było w przypadku wciagania na siłę i za wszelką cenę naszego Kraju w struktury unijnego kołchozu i tak jest we wszystkich innych kwestiach istotnych dla przyszłości Polski.
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Order dla Kiszczaka
Napisał Piotr Jakucki
Monday, 21 July 2008
Skrót do: http://www.medianet.pl/~naszapol/MAIN/biezi.php Po skończonej rozprawie o spowodowania śmierci górników z kopalni "Wujek", zabitych przez ZOMO w grudniu 1981 r. po wprowadzeniu stanu wojennego, gen. Czesław Kiszczak zaproponował dziennikarzom zaproszenie ich na wódkę i zakąskę. Miał prawo być usatysfakcjonowany. Po raz kolejny ten jeden z największych dyktatorów PRL wygrał z kulawym prawem tzw. III RP.
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Witold Pilecki escaped from Auschwitz on the Easter Monday 1943, he also survived the Warsaw Uprising an the German POW camp in Germany.
He returned to Poland after the war and started organizing resistance
against the communists.
When he learnt that the Allies would not help to liberate Poland from the Soviets he started demobilizing the military underground organization.
It was then, that the communists arrested him.
Witold Pilecki was born May 13, 1901, in Olonets on the shores of Lake Ladoga in Karelia, Russia, where his family had been forcibly resettled by Tsarist Russian authorities after the suppression of Poland's January Uprising of 1863–1864. His grandfather, Józef Pilecki, had spent seven years in exile in Siberia for his part in the uprising. In 1910, Pilecki moved with his family to Wilno (now Vilnius, Lithuania), where he completed Commercial School and joined the secret ZHP Scouts organization. In 1916, he moved to Orel, Russia, where he founded a local ZHP group.[1]
During World War I, in 1918, Pilecki joined Polish self-defense units in the Wilno area, and, under General Władysław Wejtka, helped collect weapons and disarm retreating, demoralized German troops in what became the prelude to the Vilna offensive. He subsequently took part in the Polish-Soviet War of 1919–1920. Serving under Major Jerzy Dąbrowski, he commanded a ZHP Scout section. When his sector of the front was overrun by the Bolsheviks, his unit for a time conducted partisan warfare behind enemy lines. Pilecki later joined the regular Polish Army and fought in the Polish retreat from Kiev as part of a cavalry unit defending Grodno (in present-day Belarus). On August 5, 1920, he joined the 211th Uhlan Regiment and fought in the crucial Battle of Warsaw and at Rudniki Forest (Puszcza Rudnicka) and took part in the liberation of Wilno. He was twice awarded the Krzyż Walecznych (Cross of Valor) for gallantry.[1]
After the Polish-Soviet War ended in 1921 with the Peace of Riga, Pilecki passed his high-school graduation exams (matura) in Wilno and in 1926, was demobilized with the rank of cavalry ensign. In the interbellum, he worked on his family's farm in the village of Sukurcze.[1] On April 7, 1931, he married Maria Pilecka (1906 – February 6, 2002), née Ostrowska. They had two children, born in Wilno: Andrzej (January 16, 1932) and Zofia (March 14, 1933).
[edit] World War II breaks out
Shortly before the outbreak of World War II, on August 26, 1939, Pilecki was mobilized and joined the 19th Polish Infantry Division of Army Prusy as a cavalry-platoon commander. His unit took part in heavy fighting in the Invasion of Poland against the advancing Germans and was partially destroyed. Pilecki's platoon withdrew southeast toward Lwów (now L'viv, in Ukraine) and the Romanian bridgehead and was incorporated into the recently formed 41st Infantry Division. During the September Campaign, Pilecki and his men destroyed seven German tanks and shot down two aircraft. On September 17, after the Soviet Union invaded eastern Poland pursuant to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, Pilecki's division was disbanded and he returned to Warsaw with his commander, Major Jan Włodarkiewicz.[1]
On November 9, 1939, the two men founded the Secret Polish Army (Tajna Armia Polska, TAP), one of the first underground organizations in Poland. Pilecki became its organizational commander and expanded TAP to cover not only Warsaw but Siedlce, Radom, Lublin and other major cities of central Poland. By 1940, TAP had approximately 8,000 men (more than half of them armed), some 20 machine guns and several anti-tank rifles. Later, the organization was incorporated into the Home Army (Armia Krajowa) and became the core of the Wachlarz unit.[1]
[edit] The Auschwitz campaign: 945 days
Street roundup in northern Warsaw's Żoliborz district, 1941In 1940, Pilecki presented to his superiors a plan to enter Germany's Auschwitz concentration camp at Oświęcim (the Polish name of the locality), gather intelligence on the camp from the inside, and organize inmate resistance. Until then, little had been known about the Germans' running of the camp, and it was thought to be an internment camp or large prison rather than a death camp. His superiors approved the plan and provided him a false identity card in the name of "Tomasz Serafiński." On September 19, 1940, he deliberately went out during a Warsaw street roundup (łapanka), and was caught by the Germans along with some 2,000 innocent civilians (among them, Władysław Bartoszewski). After two days of torture in Wehrmacht barracks, the survivors were sent to Auschwitz. Pilecki was tattooed on his forearm with the number 4859.[1]
Auschwitz concentration camp photos of Pilecki.At Auschwitz, while working in various kommandos and surviving pneumonia, Pilecki organized an underground Union of Military Organizations (Związek Organizacji Wojskowych, ZOW). ZOW's tasks were to improve inmate morale, provide news from outside, distribute extra food and clothing to members, set up intelligence networks, and train detachments to take over the camp in the event of a relief attack by the Home Army, arms airdrops, or an airborne landing by the Polish 1st Independent Parachute Brigade, based in Britain.[1]
By 1941, ZOW had grown substantially. Members included the famous Polish sculptor Xawery Dunikowski and ski champion Bronisław Czech, and worked in the camp's SS administration office (Mrs. Rachwalowa, Capt. Rodziewicz, Mr. Olszowka, Mr. Jakubski, Mr. Miciukiewicz), the storage magazines (Mr. Czardybun) and the Sonderkommando, which burned human corpses (Mr. Szloma Dragon and Mr. Henryk Mendelbaum). The organization had its own underground court and supply lines to the outside. Thanks to civilians living nearby, the organization regularly received medical supplies.[1]
ZOW provided the Polish underground with priceless information on the camp. Many smaller underground organizations at Auschwitz eventually merged with ZOW. In the autumn of 1941, Colonel Jan Karcz was transferred to the newly-created Birkenau death camp, where he proceeded to organize ZOW structures. By spring of 1942, the organization had over 1,000 members, including women and people of other nationalities, at most of the sub-camps. The inmates constructed a radio receiver and hid it in the camp hospital.[1]
From October 1940, ZOW sent reports to Warsaw, and beginning March 1941, Pilecki's reports were being forwarded via the Polish resistance to the British government in London. These reports were a principal source of intelligence on Auschwitz for the Western Allies. Pilecki hoped that either the Allies would drop arms or troops into the camp, or the Home Army would organize an assault on it from outside. By 1943, however, he realized that no such plans existed. Meanwhile the Gestapo redoubled its efforts to ferret out ZOW members, succeeding in killing many of them. Pilecki decided to break out of the camp, with the hope of personally convincing Home Army leaders that a rescue attempt was a valid option. When he was assigned to a night shift at a camp bakery outside the fence, he and two comrades overpowered a guard, cut the phone line and escaped on the night of April 26–April 27, 1943, taking along documents stolen from the Germans. In the event of capture, they were prepared to swallow cyanide. After several days, with the help of local civilians, they contacted Home Army units. Pilecki submitted another detailed report on conditions at Auschwitz.[1]
[edit] Back outside Auschwitz: the Warsaw Uprising.
On August 25, 1943, Pilecki reached Warsaw and joined the Home Army's intelligence department. The Home Army, after losing several operatives in reconnoitering the vicinity of the camp, including the Cichociemny commando Stefan Jasieński, decided that it lacked sufficient strength to capture the camp without Allied help. Pilecki's detailed report (Raport Witolda—"Witold's Report") was sent to London. The British authorities refused the Home Army air support for an operation to help the inmates escape. An air raid was considered too risky, and Home Army reports on Nazi atrocities at Auschwitz were deemed to be gross exaggerations (Pilecki wrote: "During the first 3 years, at Auschwitz there perished 2 million people; in the next 2 years—3 million"). The Home Army in turn decided that it didn't have enough force to storm the camp by itself.[1]
Pilecki was soon promoted to cavalry captain (rotmistrz) and joined a secret anti-communist organization, NIE ("NO or NIEpodleglosc - independence"), formed as a secret organization within the Home Army with the goal of preparing resistance against a possible Soviet occupation.[1]
When the Warsaw Uprising broke out on August 1, 1944, Pilecki volunteered for the Kedyw's Chrobry II group. At first, he fought in the northern city center without revealing his actual rank, as a simple private. Later, he disclosed his true identity and accepted command of the 2nd Company, fighting in the Towarowa and Pańska Streets area. His forces held a fortified area called the "Great Bastion of Warsaw". It was one of the most outlying partisan redoubts and caused considerable difficulties for German supply lines. The bastion held for two weeks in the face of constant attacks by German infantry and armor. On the capitulation of the uprising, Pilecki hid some weapons in a private apartment and went into captivity. He spent the rest of the war in German prisoner-of-war camps at Łambinowice and Murnau.[1]
[edit] Soviet take over of Poland
After July 11, 1945, Pilecki joined the 2nd Polish Corps. He received orders to clandestinely transport a large sum of money to Soviet-occupied Poland, but the operation was called off. In September 1945, he was ordered by General Władysław Anders to return to Poland and gather intelligence to be sent to the Polish Government in Exile.[1]
He went back and proceeded to organize his intelligence network, while also writing a monograph on Auschwitz. In the spring of 1946, however, the Polish Government in Exile decided that the postwar political situation afforded no hope of Poland's liberation and ordered all partisans still in the forests either to return to their normal civilian lives or to escape to the West. Pilecki declined to leave, but proceeded to dismantle the partisan forces in eastern Poland. In April 1947, he began collecting evidence on Soviet atrocities and on the prosecution of Poles (mostly members of the Home Army and the 2nd Polish Corps) and their executions or imprisonment in Soviet gulags.[1]
Photos of Pilecki from Warsaw's Mokotow prison (1947).On May 8, 1947, he was arrested by the Polish security service (Urząd Bezpieczeństwa). Prior to trial, he was repeatedly tortured but revealed no sensitive information and sought to protect other prisoners. On March 3, 1948, a staged trial took place. Testimony against him was presented by a future Polish prime minister, Józef Cyrankiewicz, himself an Auschwitz survivor. Pilecki was accused of illegal crossing of the borders, use of forged documents, not enlisting with the military, carrying illegal arms, espionage for general Władysław Anders (head of the military of the Polish Government in Exile) and preparing an assassination on several officials from the Ministry of Public Security of Poland. Pilecki denied the assassination charges, as well as espionage (although he admitted to passing information to the II Polish Corps of whom he considered himself an officer and thus claimed that he was not breaking any laws); he pleaded guilty to the other charges. On May 15, with three of his comrades, he was sentenced to death. Ten days later, on May 25, 1948, he was executed at Warsaw's Mokotow Prison on ulica Rakowiecka (Rakowiecka Street)
Pilecki's conviction was part of a prosecution of Home Army members and others connected with the Polish Government in Exile in London. In 2003, the prosecutor and several others involved in the trial were charged with complicity in Pilecki's murder. Cyrankiewicz escaped similar proceedings, having died.[1]
After Poland regained its independence, Witold Pilecki and all others sentenced in the staged trial were rehabilitated on October 1, 1990. In 1995, he received posthumously the Order of Polonia Restituta.
His place of burial has never been found. He is thought to have been buried in a rubbish dump near Warsaw's Powązki Cemetery.
Until 1989, information on his exploits and fate was suppressed by the Polish communist regime.[1]
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The Other Side of the Coin: Large-Scale Jewish Crimes against Poles, February 27, 2007
The Other Side of the Coin: Large-Scale Jewish Crimes against Poles, February 27, 2007
By Jan Peczkis (Chicago IL, USA) - See all my reviews
This Polish-language book has the title: HUSHED-UP CRIMES: JEWS AND POLES IN THE EASTERN BORDERLANDS IN THE YEARS 1939-1941. Much press attention has been devoted to Polish crimes against Jews, such as the massacre at Jedwabne and the so-called Kielce Pogrom. Why no mention of the other side of the coin? Jerzy Robert Nowak believes that it owes to political correctness, in which the sensibilities of Jews are respected owing to their losses in the Holocaust (pp. 65-66). But Nowak points out that there is no such respect for Polish sensibilities despite Poles having experienced their own Holocaust (3 million Poles murdered by the Germans alone), least of all (in Nowak's opinion) from Jews.
Anyone who follows Jan Tomasz Gross (Jan T. Gross) in believing in the insignificance of Jewish-Communist collaboration is in for a rude awakening upon reading this book. According to cited Jewish scholars, Jews frequently constituted 75%-90% of the Soviet-serving administration in Soviet-conquered eastern Poland (p. 246, 223). In fact, no sooner had the Red Army invaded eastern Poland than her Jews began to engage in large-scale, aggressive anti-Polish actions. Jews helped disarm Polish soldiers, and humiliated them by tearing off their insignia (p. 239). Ironic to the scene in Steven Spielberg's SCHINDLER'S LIST, a mob of Jews threw mud and stones at defenseless Polish prisoners (p. 89). Jews helped the Russians round up Poles on many occasions (p. 9, 61) and played an instrumental role in identifying Poles for imprisonment or deportation to horrible deaths in Siberia (p. 112). Jews helped destroy monuments of Polish heroes (p. 148), frequently desecrated Christian churches (p. 161-on), and even produced a mock atheistic parade in which a horse was dressed up in the vestments of a Catholic priest.
Nowak elaborates on the known murders of Poles by Jews in 17 named cities and towns in Soviet-occupied eastern Poland in 1939 alone (pp. 47-on). Jews were also involved in the murder of Poles (and Ukrainians) imprisoned by the Soviets while the latter were beating a hasty retreat ahead of the unexpected German invasion of June 1941 (p. 62-on).
The fact of extensive Jewish-Communist collaboration is attested to by not only anti-Semitic Poles, but also philo-Semitic ones such as Jan Karski (p. 237) and Stanislaw Kot (p. 240). And to show that this is no Polish imagination, Jerzy Robert Nowak discusses (p. 33-on, pp. 82-83, 105, 115, 142, 220, 225) numerous Jewish authors who don't mince words about the large scale of Jewish-Soviet collaboration, including Harvey Sarner, Ben-Cion Pinchuk, Alexander Smolar, Hugon Steinhaus, Dov Levin, Abraham Sterzer, Arnold Zable, Charles Gelman, Alexander Wat, Henryk Reiss, Mark Verstandig, Yitzhak Arad, Pawel Szapiro, and Henryk Erlich. Smolar was especially candid about the murders of Poles by Jews (p. 48).
Recently (2006), Jan Thomas Gross (J. T. Gross) has written FEAR, in which he obsesses about Polish acquisitions of post-Jewish properties. But long before Poles did this, Jews were already expropriating Polish properties under Soviet rule (pp. 132-135). In fact, Jews sometimes knew which Poles were about to be deported to Siberia, and cajoled these Poles into selling them their properties for almost nothing.
Many rationalizations have been offered for the widespread Jewish-Communist collaboration (the Zydokomuna). Nowak examines these and finds them all wanting. (In a sense, it doesn't matter. Regardless of exact motives, whenever Jews choose to become Poland's enemies, they also make a deliberate choice to receive Polish enmity in return, and thereby forfeit the right to complain about such things as Polish anti-Semitism).
The most common rationalization is the one about Jews clinging to Soviets out of fear of extermination by the Nazis. In actuality, Hitler's diatribes were not taken seriously by most Polish Jews in 1939 (p. 210), who saw the Germans as a cultured people (p. 212), and for whom Nazi anti-Semitism was either unimportant (p. 211) or transient. It is a little-known fact that Polish Jews sometimes welcomed the invading Nazis (p. 213-on), and even attempted to cross from the Soviet-occupied zone of Poland to the German-occupied one (p. 210, 212). Finally, the mass shootings and mass gassings of Jews by Germans were not to begin for nearly two more years!
The Jewish collaborators were not, as sometimes claimed, just radicalized youth and the very poor (p. 223). Furthermore, they also included many big-name Jews (p. 166-on).
Nowak also rebuts Krystyna Kersten (pp. 206-208), who would have us believe that Jews showed proportionate anti-Soviet as well as pro-Soviet behavior. In fact, records show that few Jews were arrested for anti-Soviet actions (pp. 224-225) and relatively few Jews were deported to Siberia (and then primarily for trying to cross into the German-occupied zone)(p. 225-226). (In any case, it makes no difference. Jews had turned against other Jews in various other contexts).
Against the view that Jews were merely retaliating against Poles for past anti-Semitism, Nowak points out that Jewish-Soviet collaboration against Poles also took place in several towns where, according to local Jewish opinion, prewar Jewish-Polish relations had been good (pp. 218-219). (One may also ask when the Jews ever retaliated against Russian anti-Semitism, which historically had been much more severe than its Polish counterpart. And, of course, the victims of Jewish-Communist collaboration included Polish children and other Poles who could not possibly have ever wronged any Jews. Those who complain about the collective scope of the Polish reprisal against the Jews of Jedwabne must remember the earlier collective anti-Polish scope of the Jewish-Soviet collaboration).
Nowak believes that Jewish-Soviet collaboration against Poles had been driven by the fact that many eastern Polish Jews were recent descendants of Russian Jews (the Litvaks) who felt no loyalty to Poland (pp. 230-231). Against the view that the Litvaks were never made to feel welcome, Nowak provides contrary examples, including Pilsudski's favorable treatment of them. (In any case, in a non-pluralistic society such as Poland, one expects the minority to conform to the majority, not the other way around. When in Rome, do as the Romans do).
Thursday, July 24, 2008
The Other Side of the Coin: Large-Scale Jewish Crimes against Poles, February 27, 2007
The Other Side of the Coin: Large-Scale Jewish Crimes against Poles, February 27, 2007
By Jan Peczkis (Chicago IL, USA) - See all my reviews
This Polish-language book has the title: HUSHED-UP CRIMES: JEWS AND POLES IN THE EASTERN BORDERLANDS IN THE YEARS 1939-1941. Much press attention has been devoted to Polish crimes against Jews, such as the massacre at Jedwabne and the so-called Kielce Pogrom. Why no mention of the other side of the coin? Jerzy Robert Nowak believes that it owes to political correctness, in which the sensibilities of Jews are respected owing to their losses in the Holocaust (pp. 65-66). But Nowak points out that there is no such respect for Polish sensibilities despite Poles having experienced their own Holocaust (3 million Poles murdered by the Germans alone), least of all (in Nowak's opinion) from Jews.
Anyone who follows Jan Tomasz Gross (Jan T. Gross) in believing in the insignificance of Jewish-Communist collaboration is in for a rude awakening upon reading this book. According to cited Jewish scholars, Jews frequently constituted 75%-90% of the Soviet-serving administration in Soviet-conquered eastern Poland (p. 246, 223). In fact, no sooner had the Red Army invaded eastern Poland than her Jews began to engage in large-scale, aggressive anti-Polish actions. Jews helped disarm Polish soldiers, and humiliated them by tearing off their insignia (p. 239). Ironic to the scene in Steven Spielberg's SCHINDLER'S LIST, a mob of Jews threw mud and stones at defenseless Polish prisoners (p. 89). Jews helped the Russians round up Poles on many occasions (p. 9, 61) and played an instrumental role in identifying Poles for imprisonment or deportation to horrible deaths in Siberia (p. 112). Jews helped destroy monuments of Polish heroes (p. 148), frequently desecrated Christian churches (p. 161-on), and even produced a mock atheistic parade in which a horse was dressed up in the vestments of a Catholic priest.
Nowak elaborates on the known murders of Poles by Jews in 17 named cities and towns in Soviet-occupied eastern Poland in 1939 alone (pp. 47-on). Jews were also involved in the murder of Poles (and Ukrainians) imprisoned by the Soviets while the latter were beating a hasty retreat ahead of the unexpected German invasion of June 1941 (p. 62-on).
The fact of extensive Jewish-Communist collaboration is attested to by not only anti-Semitic Poles, but also philo-Semitic ones such as Jan Karski (p. 237) and Stanislaw Kot (p. 240). And to show that this is no Polish imagination, Jerzy Robert Nowak discusses (p. 33-on, pp. 82-83, 105, 115, 142, 220, 225) numerous Jewish authors who don't mince words about the large scale of Jewish-Soviet collaboration, including Harvey Sarner, Ben-Cion Pinchuk, Alexander Smolar, Hugon Steinhaus, Dov Levin, Abraham Sterzer, Arnold Zable, Charles Gelman, Alexander Wat, Henryk Reiss, Mark Verstandig, Yitzhak Arad, Pawel Szapiro, and Henryk Erlich. Smolar was especially candid about the murders of Poles by Jews (p. 48).
Recently (2006), Jan Thomas Gross (J. T. Gross) has written FEAR, in which he obsesses about Polish acquisitions of post-Jewish properties. But long before Poles did this, Jews were already expropriating Polish properties under Soviet rule (pp. 132-135). In fact, Jews sometimes knew which Poles were about to be deported to Siberia, and cajoled these Poles into selling them their properties for almost nothing.
Many rationalizations have been offered for the widespread Jewish-Communist collaboration (the Zydokomuna). Nowak examines these and finds them all wanting. (In a sense, it doesn't matter. Regardless of exact motives, whenever Jews choose to become Poland's enemies, they also make a deliberate choice to receive Polish enmity in return, and thereby forfeit the right to complain about such things as Polish anti-Semitism).
The most common rationalization is the one about Jews clinging to Soviets out of fear of extermination by the Nazis. In actuality, Hitler's diatribes were not taken seriously by most Polish Jews in 1939 (p. 210), who saw the Germans as a cultured people (p. 212), and for whom Nazi anti-Semitism was either unimportant (p. 211) or transient. It is a little-known fact that Polish Jews sometimes welcomed the invading Nazis (p. 213-on), and even attempted to cross from the Soviet-occupied zone of Poland to the German-occupied one (p. 210, 212). Finally, the mass shootings and mass gassings of Jews by Germans were not to begin for nearly two more years!
The Jewish collaborators were not, as sometimes claimed, just radicalized youth and the very poor (p. 223). Furthermore, they also included many big-name Jews (p. 166-on).
Nowak also rebuts Krystyna Kersten (pp. 206-208), who would have us believe that Jews showed proportionate anti-Soviet as well as pro-Soviet behavior. In fact, records show that few Jews were arrested for anti-Soviet actions (pp. 224-225) and relatively few Jews were deported to Siberia (and then primarily for trying to cross into the German-occupied zone)(p. 225-226). (In any case, it makes no difference. Jews had turned against other Jews in various other contexts).
Against the view that Jews were merely retaliating against Poles for past anti-Semitism, Nowak points out that Jewish-Soviet collaboration against Poles also took place in several towns where, according to local Jewish opinion, prewar Jewish-Polish relations had been good (pp. 218-219). (One may also ask when the Jews ever retaliated against Russian anti-Semitism, which historically had been much more severe than its Polish counterpart. And, of course, the victims of Jewish-Communist collaboration included Polish children and other Poles who could not possibly have ever wronged any Jews. Those who complain about the collective scope of the Polish reprisal against the Jews of Jedwabne must remember the earlier collective anti-Polish scope of the Jewish-Soviet collaboration).
Nowak believes that Jewish-Soviet collaboration against Poles had been driven by the fact that many eastern Polish Jews were recent descendants of Russian Jews (the Litvaks) who felt no loyalty to Poland (pp. 230-231). Against the view that the Litvaks were never made to feel welcome, Nowak provides contrary examples, including Pilsudski's favorable treatment of them. (In any case, in a non-pluralistic society such as Poland, one expects the minority to conform to the majority, not the other way around. When in Rome, do as the Romans do).
By Jan Peczkis (Chicago IL, USA) - See all my reviews
This Polish-language book has the title: HUSHED-UP CRIMES: JEWS AND POLES IN THE EASTERN BORDERLANDS IN THE YEARS 1939-1941. Much press attention has been devoted to Polish crimes against Jews, such as the massacre at Jedwabne and the so-called Kielce Pogrom. Why no mention of the other side of the coin? Jerzy Robert Nowak believes that it owes to political correctness, in which the sensibilities of Jews are respected owing to their losses in the Holocaust (pp. 65-66). But Nowak points out that there is no such respect for Polish sensibilities despite Poles having experienced their own Holocaust (3 million Poles murdered by the Germans alone), least of all (in Nowak's opinion) from Jews.
Anyone who follows Jan Tomasz Gross (Jan T. Gross) in believing in the insignificance of Jewish-Communist collaboration is in for a rude awakening upon reading this book. According to cited Jewish scholars, Jews frequently constituted 75%-90% of the Soviet-serving administration in Soviet-conquered eastern Poland (p. 246, 223). In fact, no sooner had the Red Army invaded eastern Poland than her Jews began to engage in large-scale, aggressive anti-Polish actions. Jews helped disarm Polish soldiers, and humiliated them by tearing off their insignia (p. 239). Ironic to the scene in Steven Spielberg's SCHINDLER'S LIST, a mob of Jews threw mud and stones at defenseless Polish prisoners (p. 89). Jews helped the Russians round up Poles on many occasions (p. 9, 61) and played an instrumental role in identifying Poles for imprisonment or deportation to horrible deaths in Siberia (p. 112). Jews helped destroy monuments of Polish heroes (p. 148), frequently desecrated Christian churches (p. 161-on), and even produced a mock atheistic parade in which a horse was dressed up in the vestments of a Catholic priest.
Nowak elaborates on the known murders of Poles by Jews in 17 named cities and towns in Soviet-occupied eastern Poland in 1939 alone (pp. 47-on). Jews were also involved in the murder of Poles (and Ukrainians) imprisoned by the Soviets while the latter were beating a hasty retreat ahead of the unexpected German invasion of June 1941 (p. 62-on).
The fact of extensive Jewish-Communist collaboration is attested to by not only anti-Semitic Poles, but also philo-Semitic ones such as Jan Karski (p. 237) and Stanislaw Kot (p. 240). And to show that this is no Polish imagination, Jerzy Robert Nowak discusses (p. 33-on, pp. 82-83, 105, 115, 142, 220, 225) numerous Jewish authors who don't mince words about the large scale of Jewish-Soviet collaboration, including Harvey Sarner, Ben-Cion Pinchuk, Alexander Smolar, Hugon Steinhaus, Dov Levin, Abraham Sterzer, Arnold Zable, Charles Gelman, Alexander Wat, Henryk Reiss, Mark Verstandig, Yitzhak Arad, Pawel Szapiro, and Henryk Erlich. Smolar was especially candid about the murders of Poles by Jews (p. 48).
Recently (2006), Jan Thomas Gross (J. T. Gross) has written FEAR, in which he obsesses about Polish acquisitions of post-Jewish properties. But long before Poles did this, Jews were already expropriating Polish properties under Soviet rule (pp. 132-135). In fact, Jews sometimes knew which Poles were about to be deported to Siberia, and cajoled these Poles into selling them their properties for almost nothing.
Many rationalizations have been offered for the widespread Jewish-Communist collaboration (the Zydokomuna). Nowak examines these and finds them all wanting. (In a sense, it doesn't matter. Regardless of exact motives, whenever Jews choose to become Poland's enemies, they also make a deliberate choice to receive Polish enmity in return, and thereby forfeit the right to complain about such things as Polish anti-Semitism).
The most common rationalization is the one about Jews clinging to Soviets out of fear of extermination by the Nazis. In actuality, Hitler's diatribes were not taken seriously by most Polish Jews in 1939 (p. 210), who saw the Germans as a cultured people (p. 212), and for whom Nazi anti-Semitism was either unimportant (p. 211) or transient. It is a little-known fact that Polish Jews sometimes welcomed the invading Nazis (p. 213-on), and even attempted to cross from the Soviet-occupied zone of Poland to the German-occupied one (p. 210, 212). Finally, the mass shootings and mass gassings of Jews by Germans were not to begin for nearly two more years!
The Jewish collaborators were not, as sometimes claimed, just radicalized youth and the very poor (p. 223). Furthermore, they also included many big-name Jews (p. 166-on).
Nowak also rebuts Krystyna Kersten (pp. 206-208), who would have us believe that Jews showed proportionate anti-Soviet as well as pro-Soviet behavior. In fact, records show that few Jews were arrested for anti-Soviet actions (pp. 224-225) and relatively few Jews were deported to Siberia (and then primarily for trying to cross into the German-occupied zone)(p. 225-226). (In any case, it makes no difference. Jews had turned against other Jews in various other contexts).
Against the view that Jews were merely retaliating against Poles for past anti-Semitism, Nowak points out that Jewish-Soviet collaboration against Poles also took place in several towns where, according to local Jewish opinion, prewar Jewish-Polish relations had been good (pp. 218-219). (One may also ask when the Jews ever retaliated against Russian anti-Semitism, which historically had been much more severe than its Polish counterpart. And, of course, the victims of Jewish-Communist collaboration included Polish children and other Poles who could not possibly have ever wronged any Jews. Those who complain about the collective scope of the Polish reprisal against the Jews of Jedwabne must remember the earlier collective anti-Polish scope of the Jewish-Soviet collaboration).
Nowak believes that Jewish-Soviet collaboration against Poles had been driven by the fact that many eastern Polish Jews were recent descendants of Russian Jews (the Litvaks) who felt no loyalty to Poland (pp. 230-231). Against the view that the Litvaks were never made to feel welcome, Nowak provides contrary examples, including Pilsudski's favorable treatment of them. (In any case, in a non-pluralistic society such as Poland, one expects the minority to conform to the majority, not the other way around. When in Rome, do as the Romans do).
Half Million people coming to Obama in Germany Berlin today.
Half Million people coming to Obama in Germany Berlin today.
Half Million people coming to Obama in Germany Berlin today.
Obama Berlin the new Kennedy, we are all together for the good future of the World.
It is possible for half million people in Berlin Today to show the support for Obama
Sen. Barack Obama will speak in Berlin before the Victory Column in the Tiergarten with the Brandenburg Gate just down the road.
Germany has swiftly developed a serious case of Obama-mania. Obama's high standing goes beyond his opposition to the Iraq War, which has always been unpopular here. The sudden crush is intimately bound up with the near constant comparisons here between the young senator from Illinois and President John F. Kennedy - still admired in Germany and particularly in Berlin - which have stuck fast as his identity in the German press. The Berliner Morgenpost over the weekend ran with the headline, "The New Kennedy." The tabloid Bild went with, "This Black American Has Become the New Kennedy!
John Wayne " I don't do those things to other people and I require the same from them."
John Paul II Peace to the world Pope message:
" Do not be afraid! You the people have to decide about your own future "
Half Million people coming to Obama in Germany Berlin today.
Obama Berlin the new Kennedy, we are all together for the good future of the World.
It is possible for half million people in Berlin Today to show the support for Obama
Sen. Barack Obama will speak in Berlin before the Victory Column in the Tiergarten with the Brandenburg Gate just down the road.
Germany has swiftly developed a serious case of Obama-mania. Obama's high standing goes beyond his opposition to the Iraq War, which has always been unpopular here. The sudden crush is intimately bound up with the near constant comparisons here between the young senator from Illinois and President John F. Kennedy - still admired in Germany and particularly in Berlin - which have stuck fast as his identity in the German press. The Berliner Morgenpost over the weekend ran with the headline, "The New Kennedy." The tabloid Bild went with, "This Black American Has Become the New Kennedy!
John Wayne " I don't do those things to other people and I require the same from them."
John Paul II Peace to the world Pope message:
" Do not be afraid! You the people have to decide about your own future "
Thursday, July 3, 2008
Czy potrzebna jest ekshumacja generała Sikorskiego
Korespondencja z Syrii Poland Syria
Korespondencja z Syrii Poland Syria
Korespondencja z Syrii
o. Waldemar Gonczaruk CSsR (2008-07-03)
Aktualności dnia
słuchajzapisz
Poland Embassy , Syria
Rue Georges Haddad
PO Box 501
Damaszek
Syria
Phone:
+963-11-3333010
+963-11-3336010
Fax:
+963-11-3315318
Email:
damapol@scs-net.org
Poland Consulate , Syria
Cappuccini Jmm. Kalioundji, Al Muhafaza
PO Box 615
Aleppo
Syria
Phone:
+963-21-2688838-9
+963-21-2688638
+963-21-2688639
+963-21-2660935
Fax:
+963-21-2688657
Email:
polconal@net।sy
Podstawowe informacje o Syrii
Oficjalna nazwa państwa: Syryjska Republika Arabska
Nazwa skrócona: Syria
Geografia
Obszar : 185 180 km2 (55% tereny pustynne).
Położenie geograficzne: Syria leży w regionie Bliskiego Wschodu. Graniczy z Turcją (na północy), Irakiem (na wschodzie), Jordanią (na południu) oraz Libanem i Izraelem (na zachodzie). Od zachodu ma również dostęp do Morza Śródziemnego, gdzie znajdują się dwa główne porty Latakia i Tartus. Przez Syrię płyną dwie główne rzeki Orontes i Eufrat. Na niewielkim odcinku granicznym z Turcją przepływa również rzeka Tygrys.
Średnie temperatury:
- wiosna, jesień: ok. 22° C
- lato: ok. 32° C.
- zima: ok. 10° C.
Strefy czasowe:
- czas letni: od marca do października: GMT + 2 godz.
- czas zimowy: od listopada do lutego: GMT + 3 godz.
Surowce naturalne: ropa naftowa, gaz ziemny, fosfaty, ruda żelaza, marmur, sól kamienna.
Ludność
Ludność - ok. 18,6 mln
Stolica: Damaszek (ok. 4 mln mieszkańców).
Większe miasta : Aleppo, Homs, Hama, Latakia.
Struktura społeczno-etniczna: 90,3% Arabowie, 9,7% Kurdowie, Ormianie, Czerkiesi.
Struktura wyznaniowa: sunnici (74%), alawici, druzowie i inne odłamy islamu (16%), chrześcijanie różnych obrządków (10%).
Języki: arabski (oficjalny), kurdyjski, ormiański,.
Administracja:
Prezydent: Baszar al-Asad (od 2000 r.);
Premier rządu: Mohammad Nadżi al Otri (od 2003 r.);
Parlament: wybierany jest raz na 4 lata w wyborach powszechnych. Zagwarantowaną większość w Parlamencie posiada koalicja Narodowy Front Postępowy, w którym wiodącą rolę odgrywa socjalistyczna partia Baas.
Podział administracyjny kraju: 14 prowincji (muhafazat) Al Hasake, Al Ladhiqiyah, Al Qunaytra, Ar Raqqa, As Suwayda, Daraa, Dayr az Zawr, Damaszek, Halab, Hama, Homs, Idlib, Rif Dimashq, Tartus.
Podstawowe wskaźniki ekonomiczne za 2006 r.
PKB: 32,9 mld USD
PKB per capita: 1300 USD
Wzrost PKB: 5,1%
Inflacja: 10 %
Stopa bezrobocia: ok.12,5%
Główne gałęzie gospodarki (udział sektora w PKB)
- Rolnictwo (20%)
- Górnictwo i przemysł (27%)
- Transport i komunikacja (11%)
- Handel (21%)
- Pozostałe sektory (21%).
Inne przydatne informacje:
Waluta:
- Jednostka monetarna: funt syryjski (SYP).
- 1 US Dolar = ok. 48,25 SYP
- Banknoty (nominały): 5, 10, 25, 50, 100, 200, 500, 1000 SYP
- Monety (nominały): 1, 2, 5, 10, 25 SYP
Jednostki wag i miar: system metryczny
Weekend: piątek i sobota
Numery kierunkowe do największych miast:
- +963 11 Damaszek
- +963 21 Aleppo
- +963 31 Homs
- +963 33 Hama
- +963 41 Lattakia
Korespondencja z Syrii
o. Waldemar Gonczaruk CSsR (2008-07-03)
Aktualności dnia
słuchajzapisz
Poland Embassy , Syria
Rue Georges Haddad
PO Box 501
Damaszek
Syria
Phone:
+963-11-3333010
+963-11-3336010
Fax:
+963-11-3315318
Email:
damapol@scs-net.org
Poland Consulate , Syria
Cappuccini Jmm. Kalioundji, Al Muhafaza
PO Box 615
Aleppo
Syria
Phone:
+963-21-2688838-9
+963-21-2688638
+963-21-2688639
+963-21-2660935
Fax:
+963-21-2688657
Email:
polconal@net।sy
Podstawowe informacje o Syrii
Oficjalna nazwa państwa: Syryjska Republika Arabska
Nazwa skrócona: Syria
Geografia
Obszar : 185 180 km2 (55% tereny pustynne).
Położenie geograficzne: Syria leży w regionie Bliskiego Wschodu. Graniczy z Turcją (na północy), Irakiem (na wschodzie), Jordanią (na południu) oraz Libanem i Izraelem (na zachodzie). Od zachodu ma również dostęp do Morza Śródziemnego, gdzie znajdują się dwa główne porty Latakia i Tartus. Przez Syrię płyną dwie główne rzeki Orontes i Eufrat. Na niewielkim odcinku granicznym z Turcją przepływa również rzeka Tygrys.
Średnie temperatury:
- wiosna, jesień: ok. 22° C
- lato: ok. 32° C.
- zima: ok. 10° C.
Strefy czasowe:
- czas letni: od marca do października: GMT + 2 godz.
- czas zimowy: od listopada do lutego: GMT + 3 godz.
Surowce naturalne: ropa naftowa, gaz ziemny, fosfaty, ruda żelaza, marmur, sól kamienna.
Ludność
Ludność - ok. 18,6 mln
Stolica: Damaszek (ok. 4 mln mieszkańców).
Większe miasta : Aleppo, Homs, Hama, Latakia.
Struktura społeczno-etniczna: 90,3% Arabowie, 9,7% Kurdowie, Ormianie, Czerkiesi.
Struktura wyznaniowa: sunnici (74%), alawici, druzowie i inne odłamy islamu (16%), chrześcijanie różnych obrządków (10%).
Języki: arabski (oficjalny), kurdyjski, ormiański,.
Administracja:
Prezydent: Baszar al-Asad (od 2000 r.);
Premier rządu: Mohammad Nadżi al Otri (od 2003 r.);
Parlament: wybierany jest raz na 4 lata w wyborach powszechnych. Zagwarantowaną większość w Parlamencie posiada koalicja Narodowy Front Postępowy, w którym wiodącą rolę odgrywa socjalistyczna partia Baas.
Podział administracyjny kraju: 14 prowincji (muhafazat) Al Hasake, Al Ladhiqiyah, Al Qunaytra, Ar Raqqa, As Suwayda, Daraa, Dayr az Zawr, Damaszek, Halab, Hama, Homs, Idlib, Rif Dimashq, Tartus.
Podstawowe wskaźniki ekonomiczne za 2006 r.
PKB: 32,9 mld USD
PKB per capita: 1300 USD
Wzrost PKB: 5,1%
Inflacja: 10 %
Stopa bezrobocia: ok.12,5%
Główne gałęzie gospodarki (udział sektora w PKB)
- Rolnictwo (20%)
- Górnictwo i przemysł (27%)
- Transport i komunikacja (11%)
- Handel (21%)
- Pozostałe sektory (21%).
Inne przydatne informacje:
Waluta:
- Jednostka monetarna: funt syryjski (SYP).
- 1 US Dolar = ok. 48,25 SYP
- Banknoty (nominały): 5, 10, 25, 50, 100, 200, 500, 1000 SYP
- Monety (nominały): 1, 2, 5, 10, 25 SYP
Jednostki wag i miar: system metryczny
Weekend: piątek i sobota
Numery kierunkowe do największych miast:
- +963 11 Damaszek
- +963 21 Aleppo
- +963 31 Homs
- +963 33 Hama
- +963 41 Lattakia
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